places and made nursing more attractive by offering higher salaries and
better employment conditions 10 to 15 years ago (Q 299).
112. The NFU said that wages in agriculture are significantly lower than in other
sectors and that “migrants perform tasks, at rates of pay, which most
domestic workers would be unwilling to work at” (p 100). This last comment
illustrates a key issue, namely, that employers’ expressed “need” for
immigrant labour is often a demand for labour that can be employed at
current rates of pay, rather than at higher wages that are generally necessary
to attract labour in a competitive market.
113. Immigration keeps labour costs lower than they would be without
immigrants. These lower labour costs also benefit consumers, who
then pay less than they otherwise would for products and services
(including public services) produced or provided by immigrants.
114. A number of witnesses argued that raising wages for workers employed to
provide services in or for the public sector is severely limited by cost
pressures in the public sector. Lesley Rimmer of the UK Home Care
Association told us that “two thirds of employers say it is difficult or
impossible to recruit locally at current rates of pay and these pay rates are
primarily a reflection of what councils are willing to pay since they make up
80% of the purchasers of care services” (Q 300). Dr Anderson argued that
increasing wages to attract local workers would require a reform of the UK’s
social care system. “If there were no immigration, there really would have to
be a big re-think about how social care and care of the elderly was organized;
really big, back-to-first premises” (Q 30).
115. Dr Borman of the BMA explained how the UK public health sector benefits
from the employment of immigrant doctors. He said: “Migrants are carrying
their primary qualifications and their expertise to the United Kingdom
effectively for free. It costs in the order of … a quarter of a million pounds to
qualify a doctor within the United Kingdom medical school system and
clearly, having a doctor who has qualified abroad, bringing those
qualifications means a net gain to the United Kingdom” (Q 300). Making a
similar point, Ms Irwin of the Royal College of Nursing suggested in her
evidence on the employment of foreign nurses in the UK that “in general
terms, the employment of migrants is a deliberate policy choice to employ a
workforce at a lower cost” (Q 294).
116. It is clear that various low-wage sectors of the UK economy (in both private
and public sectors) are currently heavily dependent on immigrant labour.
Increasing wages to attract more British workers to produce or provide a
certain product or service can be expected to lead to an increase in the price
and thus affect consumers of that product or service. In the public sector,
higher labour costs could result in higher taxes and/or require a restructuring
of the way in which some services such as social care are provided.
Nevertheless, the fundamental point remains that labour demand, supply
and thus the existence and size of labour shortages critically depend on
wages—the price of labour. Arguments about the “need” for migrant labour
that ignore price adjustments are meaningless and misleading.
117. Increasing wages is only one among various potential alternatives to
immigration for responding to perceived labour shortages. The list of
potential options for employers includes:
38 THE ECONOMIC IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION
• increasing wages and/or improving working conditions to attract more
local workers who are either inactive, unemployed, or employed in other
sectors;
• changing the production process to make it less labour-intensive, for
example, increasing the capital and/or technology intensity;
• relocating to countries where labour costs are lower;
• switching to production (provision) of less labour-intensive commodities
and services;
• employing immigrant workers.
118. Although not all of these options will be technically feasible for all
employers—for instance, the work of waiters in the hospitality sector cannot
be off-shored—many employers will face a number of options. An employer’s
decision on how to respond to a perceived labour shortage will naturally
depend on the relative costs of each of the alternatives. Just as immigration
may discourage employers, including those in the public sector, from raising
wages and investing in training and skill development of the domestic
workforce (see the discussion in chapter 3), the ready access to cheap
migrant labour may reduce employers’ incentives to consider other
options, in particular changing production methods.
119. Professor Chiswick noted that, if there were fewer low-skilled workers in the
harvesting of field crops: “Farm managers would pay higher wages to attract
native-born workers and this would speed up the mechanization of the
harvesting of field crops. The technology is there, but with low wages for
farm labourers there is little economic incentive for the growers to mechanize
or invest in other types of new technology” (p 425). This was precisely the
experience of the US tomato-processing industry where growers argued that
the industry could not do without migrants. But subsequent mechanization
increased productivity and reduced prices.54
120. Professor Christian Dustmann pointed out that “there is evidence that
technology adjusts to the availability of labour in particular parts of the skill
distribution” (Q 175). He gave the example of “the wine industry in
Australia and California, which is highly labour intensive in California and
highly mechanised in Australia, the reason being that it is very easy to get
unskilled workers in California but not in Australia” (Q 175).
121. Mr Ratcliffe of the Construction Confederation suggested that off-shoring
certain types of production, or importing certain products, is possible in the
construction industry but critically depends on the cost incentives that
employers are confronted with: “... [offshoring] is quite feasible but it is a
question of economics as to whether it is cheaper. Certainly in Catterick they
are doing some military accommodation up there and all the bathrooms are
simply transported in, having been made in factory, so certainly one of the
responses to skills shortages will be more off-site prefabrication; it is an idea
which is catching on quite nicely in the industry” (Q 143).
122. We recognise that many public and private enterprises currently rely
upon immigrants—from the NHS to City institutions, from the
54 Martin, P. et al (2006) Managing Labor Migration in the Twenty-first Century, Yale University Press, New
Haven, p. 126–127
THE ECONOMIC IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION 39
construction industry to residential care. We do not doubt the great
value of this workforce from overseas to UK businesses and public
services. Nevertheless, the argument that sustained net immigration
is needed to fill vacancies, and that immigrants do the jobs that locals
cannot or will not do, is fundamentally flawed. It ignores the potential
alternatives to immigration for responding to labour shortages,
including the price adjustments of a competitive labour market and
the associated increase in local labour supply that can be expected to
occur in the absence of immigration. Each of the alternative ways of
responding to labour shortages involves its own economic costs and benefits.
Rather than deducing a need for immigrant labour from the existence of
vacancies in the economy, the discussion about how to respond to labour
shortages should be based on analysis of the feasibility and net benefits to the
resident population from the various alternatives including immigration.
123. Immigration encouraged as a “quick fix” in response to perceived labour and
skills shortages reduces employers’ incentives to consider and invest in
alternatives. It will also reduce domestic workers’ incentives to acquire the
training and skills necessary to do certain jobs. Consequently, immigration
designed to address short term shortages may have the unintended
consequence of creating the conditions that encourage shortages of
local workers in the longer term.
124. We recognise that there is a case for enabling employers to hire
significant numbers of highly-skilled foreign workers. But whether
this implies net immigration is an issue to which we return later.