From my quick scan through Foot last night, Wallace was at one point told by the Defence Minister's PS that parts of his correspondence & dossier had been found, copied and sent to Hughes, including ‘Political and Security Implications’ - only for Wallace to discover that this was in fact only an expurgated document/memo with the same title (p334 onwards).
I have it in front of me now, that's right. That chapter (The Secret State) goes into some depth about the dossier.
The dossier was typed up and sent with a letter to the Prime Ministers Office 1/11/84. No copies were made before it was sent. A note was sent the following day acknowledging receipt of the letter. A note was sent 21/11/84 from David Barclay, the PM's private secretary saying that "Mr Wallace's case has been the subject of the most thorough consideration' ... on Kincora 'Mr Wallace has been given every opportunity to make his views known'.
As the book establishes this is not true as Colin Wallace has been bound by the Official Secrets Act. Colin replies and writes back 14/12/84. The dossier is returned to Wallace / Holroyd. Except the dossier returned was not the file sent. It was a copy, annotated in pencil. They assume that the original has been kept at Downing Street, or passed onto the MoD or others.
Colin's second letter does not receive a reply.
Colin is then asked to appear before representatives of the Hughes Inquiry. Colin does not want to do this as he is bound by the official secrets act. The point of writing to the Prime Minister is to get permission to tell his story. This is clearly not given, as the only reply he gets is that he has had a chance to tell his story, which he hasn't as it would have been illegal due to the official secrets act, and this is why he did not speak to a previous inquiry, the Terry Inquiry.
In addition, the terms of reference of both the Terry Inquiry and the Hughes Inquiry are extremely narrow and do not cover the points that Colin wants to make about a military and intelligence cover up at Kincora. His solution is that if the Prime Minister passed the dossier to to the Inquiry Committee, she would do so as head of the Intelligence Services and provide Colin with the authority to disclose what he knew.
Colin tells the representatives of the Hughes Enquiry that the Prime Ministers Office has copy of the dossier. The committee is then told that the dossier was returned to Wallace / Holroyd. Colin writes to the Prime Minister stating that this is not true, and that they returned a copy and kept the original. To this allegation there is no reply. The Inquiry Committee loses patience with Colin and his official secrets deadlock. Colin wants to talk but cannot find a way to do so legally.
The dossier is then made available to the Hughes Inquiry. However it is not the original but a memorandum dated March 1982, with the same title but different pagination and variations in the text, which Colin recognised as coming not from the bundle sent to the Prime Ministers office but from the material he produced at Wormwood Scrubs in 1982 for his solicitor in response to the request from the RUC for information for the Terry Inquiry.
Colin complains about the dossier made available to the Prime Minister not being made available to the Hughes Inquiry.
Six weeks later, at the end of January 1986, the Hughes Inquiry report was published. A passage in it, seventeen paragraphs long, refers to Colin Wallace.
The report suggests that Colin Wallace was of no interest to them until they received via Fred Holroyd and the Essex police his documents about Kincora, in particular the four page memo dated 8/10/74 which listed Colin's growing concern about Kincora.
...
The dossier was later stolen and returned in mysterious circumstances:
if, in the wake of the Hughes Inquiry, anyone had been in any doubt about which documents did go to the Prime Ministers office, there was at least some proof. There was no doubt that Fred Holroyd had received a copy of the dossier, and it was complete. He handed the copy, stressing the fact that it was the only one in circulation, to Edward Taylor, Tory MP for Southend. He kept it in the most secure place he could find, a locked cupboard in his office in the Norman Shaw buildings, which are reserved for MPs and HoC staff and guarded by Police 24 hours a day. In the first week of April 1986, Mr Taylor decided to consult the file. It had vanished...
Mr Taylor MP kicks up a fuss, reports the theft to the police and and starts writing to the leaders of all parties, that there had been an unexplained burglary in the HoC and if his office wasn't safe, whose was?
The result was dramatic. A fortnight after the loss of the file was reported to the police, and only a day or two after Colin's letters had reached their destination, Teddy Taylor walked into his constituency offices in Nelson Street, Southend, and saw the large red file on his desk. He never resolved the mystery of its disappearance...
That is not quite word for word, I am summarising a lot of it. There is much more in that chapter.