Urban75 Home About Offline BrixtonBuzz Contact

SWP: Mother of all splits looms?

well, you eitgher said that, or not much at all.

'Sometimes conspiracies happen" Well, yeah.
God you keep dragging me back to this, if John Rees was behaving like this, no wonder vacation of the CC was necessary.

The theory that a group of people conspired, to scapegoat an individual, in order to save their jobs, is a conspiracy theory IMO. IMO Nigel's latest post is a far more political and accurate analysis. You don't have to agree with me, but can we move on, it's boring.
 
Nope. Not at all.

Neither could the national committee be controlled by the cc even if they desired to do so. Neither could the Democracy Commission be manipulated by the cc even if the cc desired so to do.

So the NC is also to blame for the current mess?
 
God you keep dragging me back to this, if John Rees was behaving like this, no wonder vacation of the CC was necessary.

The theory that a group of people conspired, to scapegoat an individual, in order to save their jobs, is a conspiracy theory IMO. IMO Nigel's latest post is a far more political and accurate analysis. You don't have to agree with me, but can we move on, it's boring.

ie you're talking shit and you know you are.

No conspiracy required, but, just as with bosses, a simple recognition of a common interest.
 
so how would you do it?
How would i elect a democracy comission in a group that is supposed to support democratic centralism?

I wouldn't. Wouldn't stop me from recognising that there's different ways to carry it out and that different interests would support diff ways. That's pretty straightforward i think.
 
Agreed. So which example would you point in the UK of the last 40 years?

aah, so the fact that the SWP is the largest remaining trot organisation is proof that it has got things right over the last forty years? Is that it? Sorry, but that's a rubbish argument.
 
Nope. Not at all.

Neither could the national committee be controlled by the cc even if they desired to do so. Neither could the Democracy Commission be manipulated by the cc even if the cc desired so to do.

The Democracy Commission consists of ten members working 'alongside' four CC members. It is not clear what 'working alongside' means in practice but it is possible that the CC members will exercise a power of persuasion and collective coherence that will have been strengthened by caucus meetings held before Dem Com meetings.
 
NO NO NO NO NO! Where did I say " allowing minorities to be represented on leading bodies automatically leads to them paralysing and dividing the body concerned."? What I actually said was "that minorities shouldn't be be able to paralysis, diviide, and engender factionalism etc in the SWP." This does not say minorities should be able to exist.

minority viewpoints are welcomed and encouraged in debate. But if it gets to the point where you are no longer doing anything beside debating, then obviously there has to be some mechanism by which you draw a line under the issue, and move on. At some point you have to have a vote and move on. In our democratic cenraltialist organisation, it is demanded once the vote has taken place, there is unity in action. These are the rules of the organisation. If this means people have to go their separate ways when the vote goes against what they believe is truly best for the party, so be it. If this means people remain within the organisation, and let history prove who is right and wrong, so be it.

The above is, with all due respect, incoherent.

The SWP's position is precisely that having minorities represented on leading bodies will in all likelihood lead to those bodies being paralysed by factionalism or obstruction by the minority. Further and just as significantly, the SWP's position is precisely that organised minorities shouldn't be able to exist at all in the party outside of a ludicrously circumscribed "pre-conference period". I'm not misrepresenting anything here and if you disagree with the SWP view on this you should make yourself clear.

You seem to think that "unity in action" requires ending the "freedom of discussion" after a couple of months. You have a brief debate, in which people opposed to the existing leadership are hamstrung by the short time allotted. Then you have a vote, and then the losing side shuts up for a year. That was not how the Bolsheviks understood democratic centralism. They would have a discussion and a vote and then carry out the majority decision, but it would never have occurred to them that this meant that the minority weren't entitled to keep organising for their views and keep arguing for them, even as they worked to implement the majority line. This didn't stop them from growing on a much greater scale than the SWP have managed and, for that matter, it didn't stop them from playing a rather significant role in a Revolution.

The SWP's version of democratic centralism - the version where there is no "freedom of discussion" for three quarters of the year - is unique to it. It is very different from the approach used both by other Trotskyist organisations today and by the Bolsheviks, the model it is allegedly based on and justified by reference to.

In a later post you argue that it has somehow been uniquely successful, based as far as I can see on the sole evidence that the SWP is, not even by very much, currently the largest far left organisation in Britain. This is bizarre on every level. If we were having this debate in 1975 would you telling me that Healy's approach to internal debate was clearly the best? If the Socialist Party overtakes the SWP again, will you be telling me that I'm right? How about here in Ireland, where the Socialist Party is larger, is it correct to allow minorities to organise here, but not in England?
 
The Democracy Commission consists of ten members working 'alongside' four CC members. It is not clear what 'working alongside' means in practice but it is possible that the CC members will exercise a power of persuasion and collective coherence that will have been strengthened by caucus meetings held before Dem Com meetings.

Esp if the members want to to 'progress' in the party, and not make powerful enemies. Poisoned chalice.
 
As to history, do you not read about the bolsheviks any more?
didn't the structures of ever change? I mean for example, were structures in the Bolshevik party in the period of state repression, the same structures that exist before the revolution, after the revolution? Shouldn't base and superstructure be in an organic, dynamic relationship?
 
didn't the structures of ever change? I mean for example, were structures in the Bolshevik party in the period of state repression, the same structures that exist before the revolution, after the revolution? Shouldn't base and superstructure be in an organic, dynamic relationship?

mere obfuscation. In every period there was more internal democracy than currently exists within the SWP - both under tsarist oppression and stalinist rule.

What does your post actually have to do with what I wrote.
 
The Democracy Commission consists of ten members working 'alongside' four CC members. It is not clear what 'working alongside' means in practice but it is possible that the CC members will exercise a power of persuasion and collective coherence that will have been strengthened by caucus meetings held before Dem Com meetings.

The individuals elected to the commission would not be easily persuaded to adopt an unreasonable position (not that I expect the cc to try to do so). The Commission will seek views from across the membership. The cc members will not be looking over their shoulder the whole time.
 
The individuals elected to the commission would not be easily persuaded to adopt an unreasonable position (not that I expect the cc to try to do so). The Commission will seek views from across the membership. The cc members will not be looking over their shoulder the whole time.

The ten, who put their names up?
 
didn't the structures of ever change?

They did indeed change.

But one of the things that remained constant was that minorities were allowed to organise themselves all year around. This was the case under conditions of Tsarist repression. It was the case in the long period of coexistence with the Mensheviks in the RSDLP. It was the case during the explosive growth in the organisation prior to the revolution. It was the case during the period of Kerensky's government. It was the case in October. And it was the case for some years afterwards.

Only well after the Revolution, with the economy and society as a whole literally falling apart around their ears, were factional rights removed within the Bolsheviks. This was conceived as a temporary, desperate measure. And even then it was a mistake, one which Stalin used to great advantage.

So tell us. What grim and desperate circumstances to the current SWP face that are so bad that they have to deny their members rights that the Bolsheviks gave their members during even the harshest periods of Tsarist repression? And while you're at it, could you explain that base and superstructure thing for me because I can't for the life of me see what the hell that has to do with the subject at hand?
 
The reluctance of the CC of the SWP to allow faction groups or minorities to have representation through the year is because they know from experience how such a group can gain influence.

SWP members in trade unions working together at union meetings and conferences do all they can to gain influence. This is a useful counter to the sluggish bureaucratic power of long established leadership groups in many such unions. The SWP will organise caucus meetings and union 'fraction groups'. They do good work in spreading ideas and promoting activity.

Because they know this method works I suspect that they fear allowing such methods being used within their own organisation.
 
Irom what you say on here I'd assume you think Stalin should have expelled Trotsky from the Bolsheviks for leading the Left Opposition faction for four years. But you don't think that do you?

Any chance of an answer to this from Groucho or Rmp3??
 
The ten, who put their names up?

20 candidates were nominated by conference delegates (all that was required was the support of five conference delegates) then ballot papers and statements were circulated. Ten were elected.

A meeting in a pub at the fringe of conference to discuss pursuit of the democracy agenda was attended by a large number - a fairly large percentage of the 500 or so delegates (themselves elected at district aggregates that all members could attend).

Nominations for the national committee (requiring five members) and slates for the cc were sought prior to conference. That couldn't be done for the DC until conf had decided to elect one.
 
The reluctance of the CC of the SWP to allow faction groups or minorities to have representation through the year is because they know from experience how such a group can gain influence.

SWP members in trade unions working together at union meetings and conferences do all they can to gain influence. This is a useful counter to the sluggish bureaucratic power of long established leadership groups in many such unions. The SWP will organise caucus meetings and union 'fraction groups'. They do good work in spreading ideas and promoting activity.

Because they know this method works I suspect that they fear allowing such methods being used within their own organisation.

Well, let's not discuss supposed reasons for the cc's reluctance because it would not be the cc but conference delegates and the broader membership who would need convincing. My reluctance to allow permanently organised opposition groups within the SWP is that it would be open to abuse by hostile forces and because it would prolong wrangling over minoroty causes that the majority do not support.

It is simply not true though that dissent and criticism is silenced outside of conference periods. It is only permanently organised factionalism that is not permitted. Branch and district meetings, party councils (mini-conferences) and the national committee are all forums for debate and discussion of different viewpoints, as are the party publications (though as raised at conference these have not been used sufficiently to provide space for debates in recent years - SW for instance was seen as the 'paper of the movement' and not merely a party publication)
 
How were the 4 CC members to work alongside the ten ordinary members selected, and who are they? RE: post 297
 
Back
Top Bottom