JUNE 12, 2016 by: Tobias Buck in Madrid
Every Sunday, they are drawn here by the promise of free food. The handouts offered are basic — a loaf of bread, sausages, rice, pasta, beans, biscuits, oil and milk — but gratefully received. Even three years after the end of Spain’s recession, there is nothing unusual about such scenes, as the deep economic crisis has created demand for soup kitchens and food charities up and down the country.
What makes this particular programme remarkable is the politics that underpins it. Run by a group called the Hogar Social Madrid (HSM), it is one of the rare expressions of far-right political activity in Spain. HSM and its members advocate a strict Spaniards-first policy, and have launched a string of demonstrations and stunts to publicise their cause.
The group wants refugees out of Spain, and Spain out of the EU. Their food aid is available to Spanish nationals only. “Our main concern is the sheer number of migrants living in Spain now and the huge social benefits they receive,” says Melisa Ruiz, the 27-year old spokeswoman for HSM, who also presides over the food handout. “For Spaniards who are going through hard times, this is a massive injustice.” It is a political pitch that has entered conversations — and parliaments — across much of the EU. In Spain, however, anti-European and anti-immigration parties remain barely visible. There are none in Spain’s national parliament or any of its regional assemblies.
This month’s general election will once again be fought without a far-right party in serious contention. Spain’s political spectrum may have splintered in the centre and on the left — but on the right it ends, as before, with the conservative Popular party of prime minister Mariano Rajoy. Ms Ruiz and other activists are determined to change that — but they admit they have a mountain to climb. She points to the historical legacy of Spain’s civil war and four decades of rightwing dictatorship that lasted until the late 1970s. “This has left behind a revanchist mindset.
The politically correct and socially acceptable thing in Spain is to be on the left,” she claims. Foodbanks run by the Hogar Social Madrid group are for Spanish nationals only © Carlos Spottorno Political scientists agree that Spain’s fraught history is a big obstacle to any movement hoping to repeat the successes of France’s National Front or the Freedom party in Austria. But this is not the only hurdle — in other European countries, the far right has flourished partly due to popular anger with the EU and over migration, but in Spain these two issues have so far caused little controversy.
Related article Spain’s once-mighty Socialists set to be eclipsed by far-left Latest evidence of the deepening crisis facing Europe’s embattled social democrats Even at the height of Spain’s recent economic crisis — and despite an influx of migrants during the boom years — the country did not experience an anti-immigration backlash. “The blame for the crisis fell on the economic elites, on the banks, the IMF, the Troika and on the austerity measures. But not on migrants and foreigners,” says Sergi Pardos-Prado, a political scientist at the University of Oxford. It helped that a high proportion of the migrants who arrived in Spain before the crash were from Latin America — people who were foreigners by passport but who spoke the same language and worshipped at the same church as the locals.
“The experience of ethnic diversity for the average Spaniard has not been the same as for the French and British. It was less shocking,” says Mr Pardos-Prado. Spanish support for the EU has declined sharply as a result of the economic crisis — but only a fringe favours leaving the bloc altogether. Whatever misgivings Spaniards have about the European Commission in Brussels, they seem to mistrust their own political elite even more. Earlier attempts to forge a nationalist political platform failed partly because they were based on Franco-era nostalgia, says Rafael Ripoll, the leader of the far-right España 2000 movement, and a local councillor in the town of Alcalá de Henares.
“We were more concerned with reviving the past than with building the future. I think it is time for patriots in Spain to open a new chapter,” he says. In depth Europe’s migration crisis The EU is struggling to respond to a surge of desperate migrants that has resulted in thousands of deaths Mr Ripoll also presides over a newly formed far-right platform that hopes to run in the 2019 European Parliament elections.
“Our path will be long and arduous, but in 10-15 years I think we can establish ourselves as an organisation that is strong enough to influence the destiny of our nation,” he says. Back in Madrid, Ms Ruiz sees her movement as an even longer-term project, arguing that it is too early to think about elections and parties. “For a political party to exist we have to build a social movement first,” she says. With her bleached blonde hair, extensive tattoos and oversized neon ear studs, she presents — visually if not ideologically — an obvious break with the crusty image of Spain’s old-school far-right.
Her blend of social work and in-your-face protests, alongside her opposition to mass migration, economic liberalism and what she defines as “radical feminism”, make for an idiosyncratic political mix. Ms Ruiz points to Greece’s ultra-right Golden Dawn movement as a model, but she is quick to acknowledge that Spain remains a political outlier in Europe, at least for now. Spanish society, she says, “does not yet see us as a political alternative”.