The declaration of martial law comes after Hlaingthaya recorded the highest share of Sunday’s death toll, with a doctor stating to Reuters that at least 37 protesters in the area had been killed. Chinese media claims that Chinese-owned factories in the townships had been set ablaze on Sunday. While it was not immediately clear as to who the perpetrators were, with no individuals or groups claiming responsibility, a Chinese worker at one of the factories is said to have accused security forces of starting the fires.
NEW YORK (AP) — Tin Tin Wei used to toil 11 hours a day, six days week sewing jackets at a factory in Myanmar. But she hasn’t stitched a single garment since a coup in February.
Instead, the 26-year-old union organizer has been protesting in the streets — and trying to bring international pressure to bear on the newly installed junta.
Her union, the Federation of Garment Workers in Myanmar, and others have been staging general strikes to protest the coup and are urging major international brands like H&M and Mango, which source some of their products in Myanmar, to denounce the takeover and put more pressure on factories to protect workers from being fired or harassed — or worse arrested and killed for participating in the protests.
“If we go back to work and if we work for the system, our future is in the darkness, and we will lose our labor rights and even our human rights,” said Tin Tin Wei, who has been a clothing factory worker since age 13.
The Burmese army, founded by Aung San Suu Kyi’s father, General Aung San, in 1941, has been fighting non-stop since the Second World War: eight decades of combat, in towns and jungles, on tropical islands and Himalayan mountains, burning villages and killing civilians with impunity, taking as well as inflicting enormous casualties. Its enemies have ranged from from Washington-backed Chinese nationalist armies in the 1950s to Beijing-backed communist forces in the 1960s, from drug lords to ethnic minorities struggling for self-determination. By the late 1970s most of the fighting took place in the eastern uplands towards Thailand and China. The army became primarily an army of occupation over ethnic minority populations, which every now and then – in 1974, 1988 and 2007 – descended into the cities of the Irrawaddy Valley to crush dissent.
At least 3,000 people have fled Myanmar’s eastern Karen state into Thailand to escape military air strikes, marking the biggest movement of refugees since the February 1 coup that overthrew the government of Aung San Suu Kyi.
The cross-border exodus will fuel growing concerns that the conflict caused by the military’s seizure of power and attacks on civilians could have spillover effects in neighbouring countries.
Non-governmental organisations and the Karen National Union, a rebel group representing Myanmar’s Karen ethnic minority, said people had crossed the Salween river separating the countries on Sunday.
According to NGOs in the area, the military dropped bombs and fired automatic weapons the previous day in territory held by the Karen National Liberation Army, the KNU’s armed wing, after the KNLA over-ran an army post.
The Karen are one of several minority groups in Myanmar’s uplands that have been fighting the country’s military for decades. The KNU signed a ceasefire agreement in 2015.
The KNU has denounced the coup and lent its support to the mass civil disobedience movement opposing it. This has included allowing hundreds of people fleeing Myanmar’s ethnic Burmese heartland to shelter in the territory it controls.
I take from this that people are really angry. Civil war maybe?
Fear turns to fury in Myanmar as children shot by military
Bloody crackdowns and massacres initiate anger and stronger desire for a future without the Tatmadawwww.theguardian.com
This looks interesting:
Dead Generations
What brought Mya Thwe Thwe Khaing, Wai Yan Tun, and Thet Naing Win into the streets? To read most of the coverage of the coup, you’d think they’d found themselves on one side of an old story: liberal democracy imperiled by authoritarianism. Yet Myanmar’s working classes had seethed under the...nplusonemag.com
To read most of the coverage of the coup, you’d think they’d found themselves on one side of an old story: liberal democracy imperiled by authoritarianism. Yet Myanmar’s working classes had seethed under the previous National League for Democracy (NLD) government’s concessions to global capital; during five years of NLD rule, strike wave after strike wave convulsed Yangon’s industrial zones.
It would be a mistake to read today’s resistance simply as an attempt to restore bourgeois democracy. Even so, it was the old story my dad turned to, which says that time should flow easily beyond authoritarian pasts. As February turned into March, and March into April—and as blood began to run freely, far too freely, in the cities and towns of Myanmar—I found myself wondering about scars past and present, about how they form and how they are carried. I found myself wondering what the old story can accommodate, and what it cannot.
It's good, taAccording to the old story, history should work like clocks and calendars, simply marching forward from past to present. This is the temporality of bourgeois progress—what Benjamin called homogeneous, empty time. For him, this story about time was an object of critique, not a claim about how it really works.
Thanks for highlighting this guy, hitmouse Seems to be one of the new generation of Myanmar scholars coming through.This looks interesting:
Dead Generations
What brought Mya Thwe Thwe Khaing, Wai Yan Tun, and Thet Naing Win into the streets? To read most of the coverage of the coup, you’d think they’d found themselves on one side of an old story: liberal democracy imperiled by authoritarianism. Yet Myanmar’s working classes had seethed under the...nplusonemag.com
Thanks - I found him cos he's just done a radio/podcast interview: Alive With Resistance: Diasporic Reflections on the Revolt in Myanmar | The Final Straw Radio PodcastThanks for highlighting this guy, hitmouse Seems to be one of the new generation of Myanmar scholars coming through.
This interview is very good too, illuminating areas where most Myanmar academics and media figures generally fear to tread.
When the police become so unpopular that you have other police officers attacking police stations then, well, that's quite something.Supporters of the anti-coup movement in Sagaing region’s Tamu township killed five police officers during a grenade attack on a police outpost on Thursday.
Another police officer, who took part in the attack after defecting to the the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was killed when soldiers at the Nan Phar Lone outpost retaliated with machine gun fire.