Thanks. Another one I'd never heard of until she cropped up on here.
You learn summat new every day.
Those young people came from all over the country. They were students, schoolkids, workers and union members. Nine months ago, many of them were political interns, members of the Labour party or volunteers for the Liberal Democrats.
Although there were a small number of genuinely violent agitators in attendance on Saturday, most of them middle aged, drunk and uninterested in the main protest, a great many of the young people who chose to mask up and wear black in order to commit acts of civil disobedience had never done anything of the kind before.
In the first instance, there were not a 'few hundred' dedicated 'criminals' on Oxford Street and in Picadilly on Saturday, but thousands and thousands of people, mostly under thirty and unaffiliated, many of whom had come straight from flag-waving and banner-holding on the main march through Whitehall to join in with the peaceful actions planned in central London. These actions had been organised by the campaigning group UKUncut. Some of them, such as the store occupations, were potentially unlawful- but they were peaceful and politically motivated, like all of UKUncut's previous projects.
Secondly, the 'black bloc' - a phrase that will undoubtedly be used to terrify wavering tabloid readers for years to come - is not an organisation, but a tactic. It is a tactic used, rightly or wrongly, to facilitate the sort of civil disobedience that becomes attractive to the young and the desperate when every polite model of political expression has let them down. Although there were a small number of genuinely violent agitators in attendance on Saturday, most of them middle aged, drunk and uninterested in the main protest, a great many of the young people who chose to mask up and wear black in order to commit acts of civil disobedience had never done anything of the kind before.
Those young people came from all over the country. They were students, schoolkids, workers and union members. Nine months ago, many of them were political interns, members of the Labour party or volunteers for the Liberal Democrats. Nine months ago, many of them still believed, however naively, that the democratic process might deliver real change. Now a new spirit of youthful unrest has been born into an ugly and uncomprehending political reality. A generation has been radicalised by the betrayal of their modest request for a fair future, and by repeated experiences of police brutality against those who chose to resist.
British banks and major tax-avoiding companies were attacked because these companies are seen by large swathes of the public as being responsible for the banking crisis and for subsequent ideological decisions on the part of the current government to mortgage healthcare, welfare and education. In the rush, Spanish banking giant Santander was also vandalised - and we need to be asking ourselves just what has made our nation's children so very upset with world finance that they believe any bank is fair game.
They are worried by the prospect of a run on the banks engineered by digital people power, as just occurred in Holland, and they are worried about the prospect of a general strike. It's safe to say that the government has a lot less to worry about this week than it did last week- and activists, anarchists, unions and the Labour movement all need to be asking ourselves why.
She seems to think Santander weren't a legitimate target, on the grounds of being a Spanish bank.
Nine months ago, many of them were political interns, members of the Labour party or volunteers for the Liberal Democrats.
and we need to be asking ourselves just what has made our nation's children so very upset with world finance that they believe any bank is fair game.
Middle aged AND drunk
'That's it, advisor on introducing the most savage form of neo-liberalism leading to massively high death rates and drop in the total population of about 1 million per year for about a decade. Hey, but she's nice now - one of us.'
Its incredible how Noreena Hertz was able to position herself as a spokesperson, nay 'Queen' of the anti-globalisation movement, at least with the media, with her obscene track record in Russia, has she ever apologised and how old was she when she went to 'advise' them?
I think I may rename her Spenda Penny.
Channel 4 jumped at the idea of making a film ... to kickstart their election coverage [2001 GE]. Now, she admits in a low voice as she leads the way up through her tall north London [Primrose Hill] house, they seem to be sufficiently pleased with the results to ask her to do 'a couple more things' for the election.
"Very quickly I realised that what we were doing was completely misguided and going to impact really negatively on millions of people. I left the World Bank a few months later extremely disillusioned." The period became the subject of, and inspiration for, her Cambridge PhD. ... She is grateful for her time on the other side of the debate. "Accepting the party line for even a brief period makes me extra vigilant."
She grew quickly mistrustful. Visits to factories on the privatisation hit-list compiled in Washington convinced her that little thought had been given to the fate of about-to-be-scrapped Rus-sian workers. "Early on I raised the issue of social safety nets and was quite shocked to see how clearly my concerns were dismissed." But vindication came as she watched the West's hubristic attempts to create a market economy in Russia crash and fail while "human costs were just ignored".
She stayed on in Moscow, advising the new Russian government on economic reform
Credit Suisse First Boston ... had heavily involved itself in Russia in the postcommunist era, becoming the dominant dealer in Russian government bonds as well as a major lender to Russian companies and municipalities.
Mr. Jennings served as Co-Head of Credit Suisse First Boston (Moscow) from 1992 to 1995. In this role, he was directly responsible for Credit Suisse First Boston's investment banking during a period when CSFB was recognised as the dominant market player in developing and executing pioneering transactions in the Russian marketplace. In 1992, Mr. Jennings led the State Property Committee's pilot voucher auctions, a project that established the foundations for the creation of Russia's capital markets.
Before coming to Russia in 1992, Mr. Jennings was with Credit Suisse First Boston in London, where he worked on investment banking and privatisation transactions in Central and Eastern Europe. Prior to that, he worked for Credit Suisse First Boston and the Treasury in New Zealand, advising the New Zealand and Australian governments on privatisation and state enterprise restructuring and working on a wide variety of private sector M&A and capital-markets transactions.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/4722576/Adventures-of-a-high-flier.htmlBut it was 1991 and her American professor asked her to go with him to Russia to work on modernising the stock and commodity exchange. When she arrived it only traded cigarettes and funeral urns, and she soon found that jazzing that up was far more fun than sending out scripts.
Do you think that violence is ever justified?
I think there's a definite distinction to make between violence to individuals and violence to property- not that I'm condoning smashing up McDonald's. But when violence is used as a strategy, in South Africa or the Middle East or Northern Ireland, used by people when they say that everything else is so hopeless - I don't know. I'm just left thinking about the innocent victims who get caught up in it, and ultimately I can't support that.
NH on populist anti-corporate protest/action in Silent Revolution said:Its limitations mirror those of consumer activism - unsurprisingly so, given their shared genesis in the discontent of the early 1990s, and their similar methods of expressing discontent. The commonality of interests often centres on a shared general disillusionment, rather than specific concerns or proffered solutions. In some cases protesters are motivated by a sense of common good; but in others they are concerned only with safeguarding their own interests, or those of a limited group - the 'raise less corn and more hell' variety of protest, like the British fuel protests of autumn 2000. As we have seen, pressure groups need to play to the media, which encourages polarised posturing, the demonisation of 'enemies', the oversimplification of issues and the choosing of fashionable rather than difficult causes to champion. Issues such as soil erosion, nitrate leaching, and forest biodiversity in Africa, hardly ever get a look in. And the need for media attention can inspire violence. As Brian, the American student I met en route to Genoa, put it, 'There has to be trouble, otherwise the papers won't report it, we won't get our concerns on the front page.' ...
Various pressure groups ... Because they concentrate on single issues, they may feel no need to concern themselves with the concerns of others, as would occur in a genuine democracy. Sometimes the coalitions of interests are global in their concern, but often they have highly nationalistic undertones. And sometimes the wishes of the demos can be downright nasty, like the British hysteria about paedophiles, largely stirred up by a corporation, News International, through the pages of its News of the World newspaper and resulting in such fiascos as that of the Bristol paediatrician who had to go into hiding because the mob couldn't tell the difference.
treelover NH was 23 when she finished her second degree ...
I think we have a stalker in the house
This evening's Dispatches at 9.00 pm on C4: Laurie Penny on universities, salaries and perks etc of top earners in universities and the fees paid by overseas students.