belboid
Exasperated, not angry.
the position they had in 1997 worked pretty well (electorally). But this isn't 1997.I think we've done this one before, but the position they had in 2017 worked pretty well.
the position they had in 1997 worked pretty well (electorally). But this isn't 1997.I think we've done this one before, but the position they had in 2017 worked pretty well.
It worked just fine, under quite different political conditions. There was a consensus on all sides that the referendum result should be honoured: that simply isn't the case anymore.
the position they had in 1997 worked pretty well (electorally). But this isn't 1997.
It worked just fine, under quite different political conditions. There was a consensus on all sides that the referendum result should be honoured: that simply isn't the case anymore.
Particularly given that the Tories are (very sensibly) not going to tell anyone their plans for govt, I am starting to worry that Labour have moved so far towards a Remain position that they will lose seats. Anyone care to tell me I'm wrong and it'll be ok?
But regardless of the leave/remain lean in key swing seats, the - vast - majority of the membership, activists and MPs of the Labour Party are remain. The vast majority of their support from the 2017 election throughout the country is remain. That can't be ignored or wished away any more than the fact that key swing seats lean leave can be.You’ll be amazed to learn that I agree with you Spacklefrog.
What amazes me - on purely party political grounds, and setting aside for a moment any political analysis of the EU - is that the majority of key swing seats are leave voting.
The surrender to dumb knee jerking by remainers in such circumstances is astonishing.
But regardless of the leave/remain lean in key swing seats, the - vast - majority of the membership, activists and MPs of the Labour Party are remain. The vast majority of their support from the 2017 election throughout the country is remain. That can't be ignored or wished away any more than the fact that key swing seats lean leave can be.
But regardless of the leave/remain lean in key swing seats, the - vast - majority of the membership, activists and MPs of the Labour Party are remain. The vast majority of their support from the 2017 election throughout the country is remain. That can't be ignored or wished away any more than the fact that key swing seats lean leave can be.
I can't see the point in continuing this when you just ignore half of what I'm saying.
An electorate that voted 64% remain, you mean? A higher percentage of Labour voters voted remain than voters for the SNP. It's way more than 'personal peccadilloes'.The vast majority of the membership, activists and MPs of the Labour Party should perhaps recognise that their own personal peccadilloes have consequences when they come into contact with the electorate.
I'll accept that the contradictions in and between labour's members, voters and activists could never easily be resolved. But the problem is what Labour did with those contradictions, all the decidingnot to decide, waiting till this that or the other NEC meeting and the rest. Labour's body language on brexit has been dreadful, a body language that made even theresa may look resolute and looks bad against the 'getting it done' narrative of the current twat. There's an element of hindsight here, admittedly, but the moment they voted for Article 50, there should have been an aggressive articulation of a lexit (of sorts - it would have been a social democratic exit vision). I've no idea, but it might well have meant some version of the single market, but allied with a real push on workers rights and the rest - and most of all tied in with a confident left agenda at home. There would have been something there for both leave and remain areas, maybe even a way of getting beyond fucking brexit.But regardless of the leave/remain lean in key swing seats, the - vast - majority of the membership, activists and MPs of the Labour Party are remain. The vast majority of their support from the 2017 election throughout the country is remain. That can't be ignored or wished away any more than the fact that key swing seats lean leave can be.
David Lammy has basically admitted Labour is in trouble, by calling on Corbyn to get into bed with the LidDems, etc.
Jeremy Corbyn urged to cut deals and form 'Remain alliance' to defeat the Tories
Anything would have worked in 1997.
They accepted the Tory line that the referendum result meant the need to end free movement because it showed that's what a majority wanted (it did nothing of the kind). That was a massive mistake, imo. It instantly cut off various forms of brexit that involved the single market.I'll accept that the contradictions in and between labour's members, voters and activists could never easily be resolved. But the problem is what Labour did with those contradictions, all the decidingnot to decide, waiting till this that or the other NEC meeting and the rest. Labour's body language on brexit has been dreadful, a body language that made even theresa may look resolute and looks bad against the 'getting it done' narrative of the current twat. There's an element of hindsight here, admittedly, but the moment they voted for Article 50, there should have been an aggressive articulation of a lexit (of sorts - it would have been a social democratic exit vision). I've no idea, but it might well have meant some version of the single market, but allied with a real push on workers rights and the rest - and most of all tied in with a confident left agenda at home. There would have been something there for both leave and remain areas, maybe even a way of getting beyond fucking brexit.
We've obviously been round and round these issues, but I only mention is a component of labour's current problems. They haven't really got much to say to either leave or remain areas.
London based remain backing MP thinks Labour should go all out remain?
This is not a huge surprise, no?
and how prescient they wereTbf people said that in 87 and 92..
You're going on about the 2017 policy as if it would have been fine to just stick with it.
Anyway, it's an interesting turnaround for socialists to be advocating the narrow targeting of swing seats over all other concerns.
I don't know how all this stuff can have been possible in the middle of an internal civil war in which one side of the party was using brexit as it's main means of destabilising the other. This kind of message discipline on policy which goes against the wishes of most of the membership & support base would have been difficult at the best of times: under the conditions Labour have been (cough) labouring under the past few years? No chance.I'll accept that the contradictions in and between labour's members, voters and activists could never easily be resolved. But the problem is what Labour did with those contradictions, all the decidingnot to decide, waiting till this that or the other NEC meeting and the rest. Labour's body language on brexit has been dreadful, a body language that made even theresa may look resolute and looks bad against the 'getting it done' narrative of the current twat. There's an element of hindsight here, admittedly, but the moment they voted for Article 50, there should have been an aggressive articulation of a lexit (of sorts - it would have been a social democratic exit vision). I've no idea, but it might well have meant some version of the single market, but allied with a real push on workers rights and the rest - and most of all tied in with a confident left agenda at home. There would have been something there for both leave and remain areas, maybe even a way of getting beyond fucking brexit.
We've obviously been round and round these issues, but I only mention is a component of labour's current problems. They haven't really got much to say to either leave or remain areas.
Tbf people said that in 87 and 92..
They accepted the Tory line that the referendum result meant the need to end free movement because it showed that's what a majority wanted (it did nothing of the kind). That was a massive mistake, imo. It instantly cut off various forms of brexit that involved the single market.
I don't know how all this stuff can have been possible in the middle of an internal civil war in which one side of the party was using brexit as it's main means of destabilising the other. This kind of message discipline on policy which goes against the wishes of most of the membership & support base would have been difficult at the best of times: under the conditions Labour have been (cough) labouring under the past few years? No chance.
Anything would have worked in 1997.