Anyway, back to the topic.
Kenan Malik has reworked the essay I posted a link to (and excerpts from) here a few days ago for the Observer. I happen to think the previous version was a stronger essay, but he nevertheless makes good points.
He writes:
"Politically, the sense of the collective has been expressed in two broad forms: the politics of identity and the politics of solidarity. The former stresses attachment to common identities based on such categories as race, nation, gender or culture. The difference between leftwing and rightwing forms of identity politics derives, in part, from the categories of identity that are deemed particularly important. The politics of solidarity draws people into a collective not because of a given identity but to further a political or social goal. Where the politics of identity divides, the politics of solidarity finds collective purpose across the fissures of race or gender, sexuality or religion, culture or nation. But it is the politics of solidarity that has crumbled over the past two decades as the left has declined. For many, the only form of collective politics left is that rooted in identity. Hence the rise of identity-based populist movements." (my bold).
That's the point being made.
Some people seem to be misunderstanding that, thinking that in analysing reasons for the flight to the populist right the analyst is excusing racism.
"Having lost their traditional means through which to vent disaffection, and in an age in which class politics has little meaning, many working class voters have come to express themselves through the language of identity politics; not the identity politics of the left, but that of the right, the politics of nationalism and xenophobia, that provides the fuel for many populist movements."
The "left" has descended into a politics of division rather than solidarity. When the mainstream left (i.e. The Labour Party in the U.K.) adopted a strategy of managerialism, of being 'good stewards' of capitalism, it abandoned solidarity and ceased to even try to represent the working class, and in its place came the myriad of vying identities.
At the same time as the working class came to see that Labour did not represent it, the liberal chattering class also demonstrated that identity politics were in the ascendancy. A politics of division and confusion, dissipating collective endeavour. A politics where high paid Guardian columnists can imply that they are more oppressed than an unemployed white working class man, because they are women, for example. It's this politics of division that has pushed people into the hands of the reactionary right.