And what of change?
The new Labour government took some tentative steps towards this on Monday by
promising to implement (and fund) Personal Emergency Evacuation Plans (PEEPs) - a move which had
previously been rejected by the Home Office under the Conservtives, despite being recommended by the first phase of the inquiry.
The new government has also said it will abolish national fire safety classes for construction products and move to the European ‘Euroclass’ standards. This ends the bizarre position we’ve been in since 2001, when effectively an indefinite transitionary period meant both applied simultaneously. We will also get CE product marking certification for construction materials.
All of these are good steps and things the inquiry would likely have called for - given the evidence. So getting ahead and showing willingness to act is promising.
Nonetheless, there are many further areas of change where the government will probably be called to take more drastic steps.
One clear and obvious one is the creation of some body to oversee the implementation of inquiry recommendations.
This has been loudly called for by INQUEST and others, but not promised by the new government (they have committed to the other half of this campaign - a duty of candour).
But the Grenfell story demands this, not just because the first phase recommendations it made itself were initially rejected, but also because the Grenfell fire is in itself a story about missed recommendations.
If the Lakanal House coroner’s recommendation in 2013 of a review of building regulations guidance with particular regard to the external envelope of a building had been followed, then perhaps we would have had no need for an inquiry at all. If the LFB had been held to account for saying it had implemented the recommendations which were aimed at it, then perhaps we would have had properly trained call handlers and incident commanders when the fire broke out.
Putting a National Audit Office style body in place to ensure this sort of process is no longer ignored and swept under the carpet seems an obvious and immediate change.
And what changes might be recommended that this new body would (potentially) oversee?
In the construction sector, the dire lack of individual responsibility and accountability for safety was a consistent theme of Module One. So was the cost cutting that was driven by price-based procurement.
The Building Safety Act (BSA) implemented in 2022 goes some way to address the former, but has very little to say about the latter. Other safety standards are not addressed by the BSA, despite seeming extremely relevant to Grenfell. So will the inquiry be bold enough to make further recommendations for change in an area the government has already reformed? Or will it hold back?
Similarly, the first phase report stopped short of major criticism of the recladding regime of other buildings, beyond an exaltation to get combustible materials off as quickly as possible. Will Phase Two take any further steps?
Similarly, despite the Phase One report committing to a look into whether or not sprinklers might have stopped the Grenfell Tower fire, we heard almost nothing on this issue during the weeks of evidence. So will it come up in the report recommendations, or be left out?
Substantive recommendations are also likely with regard to housing policy.
There are good lines of evidence which would point to recommendations for more resident involvement. The managing agent at Grenfell Tower had a ‘modular management agreement’ which meant it should have been consulting residents on the major refurbishment of their homes. It didn’t - at least not in a meaningful way - and disaster followed.
If residents had been given a say, would they have accepted the cheapest cladding, or insisted on a fire retardant option? Would they have agreed to removing the fire engineer from the project for cost reasons? Would they have appointed an architects firm with no prior experience of overcladding a high rise?
The list of these goes on, and the answer is almost always the same: of course they wouldn’t have.
The inquiry then has compelling evidence to support a recommendation for meaningful, practical consultation with people who live in a building about the work which is done to it.
This is an area which - despite the major reforms to social housing regulation - remains basically unaddressed in the seven years since the fire. It’s also something the former chair of Grenfell’s leaseholder association is
desperate to see.
A huge part of the Grenfell story, which the inquiry has never shied away from acknowledging, is also that many more people could have been saved from the building with a different firefighting strategy.
That is already a finding of fact from Phase One, but Phase Two will go into considerably more depth about
why the London Fire Brigade reached a point where it failed in this way.
The conclusion, and the expert evidence which was scathing about the LFB’s operation, should support big conclusions about what a 21st Century fire and rescue service should look like.
In a nutshell, this means moving away from the unreconstructed, macho, heroic, traditional nature of firefighting to something more modern, where evacuation, prevention, preparation and dynamic thinking are as important (if not more) than bashing in doors and getting water on the flames as quickly as possible.
And what of the government operation per se? It is probably too much to ask for the Grenfell Tower Inquiry to recommend a complete rethinking of the role of the state in a late capitalist economy, but there are areas in which its recommendations should not be shy about driving change.
If we are going to acknowledge (as we presumably must) that the client-style relationship of the private enforcement, standards and testing bodies under review resulted in industry capture and desperately damaging outcomes for the public, then perhaps we need to see a recommendation that these bodies are renationalised?
If we are going to acknowledge (as we presumably must) that the low priority placed on regulation and its constant dismissal as red tape played a part in the “red alert” warnings of a disaster being missed, then perhaps we need to see a clear statement of how to balance deregulation against public safety?
If we are going to acknowledge (as we presumably must) that the relevant state bodies not only failed to prevent Grenfell, but failed to respond on the night and failed to provide a humanitarian response in the aftermath, then perhaps we need recommendations covering the hollowed out nature of our public services and what that means for their capacity to respond to an unexpected catastrophe?
All of these are big policy questions. But Grenfell was a big event, this has been a big inquiry, and we can only hope now that the final report has the confidence in itself to reflect that and say what it needs to.