Yeah, I agree. That's why I added the "dubious" tag to the Leeds claim. My feeling is that shouldn't be in the article at all.
I don't think the article needs to be brief, just that care needs to be taken to not give "undue weight" to things that don't deserve it. I agree, Dover's a good example: it's not significant enough to use up words and I'm not sure why it's there. Welling and C18 probably do deserve some space in the article.
Out of interest, do you think the article is still a hotch potch? I think it still needs work, but don't think it's too far off now.
Far more coherent I would say. However I have to take issue with this para:
"In 1995 London AFA responded with its Filling the Vacuum strategy,[15] which involved offering a political alternative in these communities instead of concentrating on challenging the fascist presence on the streets. Red Action and its allies campaigned within the AFA Network after 1995 for AFA as an organisation to adopt the "Filling the Vacuum" strategy. However, given that AFA contained a number of political groups, with differing political programmes, this, and the decline of street action by the BNP as it embraced "respectable electoralism", contributed to the breakup of much of the AFA network, with much internal recrimination.[16"
1. The IWCA is counterposed to" challenging the fascist presence on the streets". But as we have pointed repeatedly after 1996 there was no fascist presence on the streets.
So the IWCA was not the alternative to fighting fascists - it was the alternative to doing nothing.
2. Filling the Vacuum was
not a strategy - it was an analysis along the lines outlined above. Moreover it was analysis formally adopted by London AFA (by far the largest and most influential branch) and discussed nationally from that perspective.
3. The strategy the BNP pursued was not 'respectable electoralism' but 'euro-nationalism'.
4. When AFA was re-launched in 1989 the springboard for organisation nationally were the DAM, Workers Power and Red Action. It was through their extant branches that AFA was set up in structured democratic way (prior to that there were hardly any branches at all - everything was run top down) and crucially allowed unaligned individuals to get involved. Though it made a political contribution up until 1991 WP was by then feeling the strain and looking a for a way out.
WP left to join the ANL in I think 1992.
By about 1995, the DAM too was suffering internal difficulties and seemingly over-night morphed into the Solidarity Federation.
Interestingly, SF never affiliated to AFA. Outside of RA the only other group involved was the tiny Communist Action Group. In other words, contrary to the claim that AFA contained 'a number of political groups with different programmes' by 1996 the only two remaining groups actually became active sponsors of the IWCA. So much for 'internal recrimination'.
Thus the notion that RA pushed the IWCA down the throats of rival groups to the point where AFA itself felt apart is false. There is no basis for it at all. It should be struck out.
5. This is not to say that the whole FTV analysis was accepted hands down as many did not believe the BNP had abadoned the streets or even if they had, that euro-nationalism would profit outside of the 'special circumstances' of the Isle of Dogs. History shows they were wrong on both counts.And with a million or so votes recorded for the BNP just over a decade later - spectacularly so.
Instructively, the only real opposition to FTV and so forth was led not by any formal sponsor but by the entryist Searchlight entryist operation which dominated Leeds and Huddersfield branches and also sought influence in a couple of others. Their opposition increased as the evidence - that they were subverting AFA from within - mounted. After a painstaking 18 month investigation both branches were
suspended in July 1997. Individuals were invited to re-apply for membership. Typically Searchlight sought to present this as an attack on 'anarchists' within AFA. Exactly the same line promoted when some of the same individuals sought to gangster Freedom Press - genuine anarchists - into dropping the publication of BTF.
It can't be stressed enough that the turning point for AFA followed the historic abandonment of the 'march and grow' strategy, (not just by the BNP but all the other smaller groups as well who just weren't strong enough to risk AFA's wrath) and after that, the odd physical force spectacular apart (Bloody Sunday 1995, Hoborn 1996) near everything else was in
political terms very much after the Lord Mayor's show.