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"The British people expressed their view very clearly on 23rd June"

Depends if you want to engage and change people's views or just want to feel all smug and pleased with yourself for holding 'correct' views. Doing something or doing nothing. There again it all depends if you think the working class are worth engaging with .

Sorry. I don't speak French.
 
That socialists shouldn't have got involved with the Russian soviets because many members were racist and sexist?
I think this is where our cross purposes lie.

In your recent posts you've been describing involvement in struggle in terms that could have been written at any time over the recent decades, the contemporary gig economy campaign example being substituted for whatever was fresh at the time.

Earlier in this thread I thought you were talking about something much more specific, which is why I've been putting questions around actually getting directly involved with the soviets, or their rhetorical modern proxy, the 'social movement' actively pushing for, and organising around, Brexit. Because that is where the most effective w/c opinion forming action has been taking place over the last few months, those are the groups whose campaigning swung the referendum in w/c communities across the country. Those are the groups organising to be ready to resist backsliding and, just in case, preparing for "the most protracted, bitter, potentially endless conflict in British society and politics", as my noble notfriend put it. They reach into, and influence, the w/c communities at the heart of this period in ways the gig economy campaign can only dream about. In another time and another place they're the sort of groups that could become soviets, albeit in this case rightwing ones.

I thought you were advocating getting on board with the soviets. That's what I've been trying to discuss, but it's become apparent you're talking more of general involvement with class struggle, using the gig economy campaign as a example. Which is fair enough, but we've been at cross purposes.

what exactly are you objecting to about that quote of Glaberman?
It's essential to reject the idea that nothing can happen until white workers are no longer racist. I don't know what anybody thinks the Russian workers in 1917 were. They were sexist. They were nationalist. A lot of them were under the thumb of the church. But they made a goddamn revolution that began to change them. Whether there's a social explosion or not doesn't depend on any formal attitudes or supporting this particular organisation or that particular organisation.
the treble negative for a start!


Keep the above in mind, that I thought you were saying 'our' (general us) energy should be put into the specific, Brexit, 'social explosion'. The one that is explicitly nationalist and has controlling immigration as one of it's key themes. And has a symbiotic relationship with the alt-right.

Try reading that quote in various w/c voices, including those of asylum seekers, economic refugees and bargaining chip Europeans, all of whom are currently living here with uncertain status. Or as an Asian living in Rochdale, or a BLM activist. Each voice telling other people to accept racism. I imagine half of the voices you hear are female, each telling other people to accept sexist attitudes. I don't know how you detect gay, disabled or Muslim voices, but you get my drift.

Makes perfect sense when read by each of those voices, does it? Of course not, you hear them falter because it raises such immediate suspicion of entitlement and division.

I guess the author is a white man? As I said previously, the intended audience is obviously white men. Whatever he thought it was like when he wrote it, the modern working class isn't just about white men. The alt-right thinks it should be.

In the context of a (relatively safe space) gig economy campaign those voices may feel they have nothing to genuinely fear from what the quote says, when read with the most abstract, nebulous and woolly interpretation. I thought you were advocating all of us, including the people with those voices, getting involved with the social explosion, because that's the struggle which has recently changed, and continues to change, peoples attitudes and/or circumstances like no other. In that context, posted and read this week, it is not abstract. Many of them (of us) have every reason to be wary.

or, as todays front page says

“When language around ‘taking our country back’ and ‘making America great again’ is coupled with proposals to treat EU migrants like bargaining chips or to ban refugees on the grounds of religion, it fosters deep hatred and mistrust and sends a strong message that some people are entitled to human rights and others aren’t,” said Kate Allen, Director of Amnesty International UK.

“Have we forgotten that human rights protections were created after the mass atrocities of the second world war as a way of making sure that ‘never again’ actually meant ‘never again’?”

The warnings are coming thick and fast at the moment that at some point we may have to choose which side we're on.

I have a low personal stake in the end justifies means argument in that quote. For some other people the stakes are much higher. I think it's unnecessarily divisive drivel. You'll have to ask them what they think. I certainly wouldn't be waving it around on a stick.

Well a debate is a two way process, if your reasoning isn't open for discussion then why bother.
I'm happy to debate, that's why i initially posted on this thread, but with a question not because I had anything I particularly wanted to say.
 
Earlier in this thread I thought you were talking about something much more specific, which is why I've been putting questions around actually getting directly involved with the soviets, or their rhetorical modern proxy, the 'social movement' actively pushing for, and organising around, Brexit. Because that is where the most effective w/c opinion forming action has been taking place over the last few months, those are the groups whose campaigning swung the referendum in w/c communities across the country. Those are the groups organising to be ready to resist backsliding and, just in case, preparing for "the most protracted, bitter, potentially endless conflict in British society and politics", as my noble notfriend put it. They reach into, and influence, the w/c communities at the heart of this period in ways the gig economy campaign can only dream about. In another time and another place they're the sort of groups that could become soviets, albeit in this case rightwing ones.

I thought you were advocating getting on board with the soviets. That's what I've been trying to discuss, but it's become apparent you're talking more of general involvement with class struggle, using the gig economy campaign as a example. Which is fair enough, but we've been at cross purposes.
I admit I wasn't in the country but if you think the Leave groups set up by Vote Leave and the like were the equivalent of soviets, then you're not using any definition of soviet that I understand.

But yes is there had been soviets agitating for a Leave vote I'd have been rushing to join up (well assuming I lived in the UK).
 
I admit I wasn't in the country but if you think the Leave groups set up by Vote Leave and the like were the equivalent of soviets, then you're not using any definition of soviet that I understand.

But yes is there had been soviets agitating for a Leave vote I'd have been rushing to join up (well assuming I lived in the UK).
I didn't know you didn't, for some reason I thought you lived in a Brexit heartland.

No definition involved, I said it was rhetorical.

Everyone has to prioritise their time, would you take yours away from the gig economy campaign in order to add it to a pro-Brexit group?
 
No definition involved, I said it was rhetorical.
You're trying to draw some parallel between self-assembled soviets of workers organised on democratic principles with "pro-Brexit groups". The only pro-Breixt groups I saw were top-down organisation, populated through and through by political parties. If you think there is a parallel there then IMO you're batshit.
 
No I picked up on something you said about 'soviets' and used it rhetorically. Of course I don't think the UK in 2017 is like Russia in 1917.

The only pro-Breixt groups I saw were
top-down organisation, populated through and through by political parties.

really? every facebook or instagram group is organised top down? I wouldn't be surprised to find members of political parties involved, but are you suggesting they are manipulating the other participants?
 
No I picked up on something you said about 'soviets' and used it rhetorically. Of course I don't think the UK in 2017 is like Russia in 1917.
It's not about what the UK is like it's about how those groups are organised, who they consist of, etc.

People chatting on Facebook is not the modern equivalent of a soviet, rhetorical or otherwise.
 
It's not about what the UK is like it's about how those groups are organised, who they consist of, etc.

People chatting on Facebook is not the modern equivalent of a soviet, rhetorical or otherwise.
<sigh> When I picked up on your use of the word soviet I wondered if you'd nitpick about definition, and really hoped you wouldn't. I specifically wrote "In another time and another place they're the sort of groups that could become soviets" in order to indicate that I wasn't thinking in any terms other than the gestation period. Did I really need to write an essay on the differences? Apart from anything else there was a big industrial component which is bound to be missing today as big industry has been decimated. That's why I said I used your word rhetorically not literally. I subsequently used another quoted phrase "social explosion": are you ok with that or does that need to be defined?

I used one word of that sentence of yours to illustrate where our conversation has been at cross purposes. The rest of your sentence, and the quote you claim is "absolutely bloody brilliant" were about racism and sexism, and how essential it is that those at the sharp end should put up with it. That's what the rest of what I wrote was about. You've since made a couple of posts about that one word and ignored everything else.

At their earliest stages, before they reproduced all across their country, before they even had a name or identifiable presence, soviets (or the social explosion) were effectively just a bunch of people chatting & analysing their grievances, identifying the problems, trying to work out usable organisational forms. That's the - still rhetorical- analogy I'd hoped to convey. And I know it's still far from a perfect analogy.

If (literal) soviets were agitating you'd rush to join. You don't identify the current situation as (rhetorical) soviets. Fine, I get that. </sigh>

Nonetheless the question stands. If you lived in a Brexit heartland, would you have rushed to join the groups that do actually exist? Would you now be part of their effort to educate, agitate, organise? Or would you still be working with the gig economy campaign?
 
Aside from the wealthy Court applications , Blairs call for resistance and the Lib Dems where is the Remain campaign at ? where is the resistance in the Remain heartlands ? Are there community based campaigns ( that guarantee safe spaces) that are uniting the asylum seekers, the economic refugees and the bargaining chip Europeans with the diverse tolerant local population in these enlightened areas? And why are female and non white voices not leading this resistance ?
 
Aside from the wealthy Court applications , Blairs call for resistance and the Lib Dems where is the Remain campaign at ? where is the resistance in the Remain heartlands ? Are there community based campaigns ( that guarantee safe spaces) that are uniting the asylum seekers, the economic refugees and the bargaining chip Europeans with the diverse tolerant local population in these enlightened areas? And why are female and non white voices not leading this resistance ?
As I don't agree with them I can't claim to be clued up. I would say that the people I know who were involved are predominantly female, but that was in the immediate aftermath of the ref and I've not kept up with them very much recently. I'll ask if the opportunity arises.
 
Aside from the wealthy Court applications , Blairs call for resistance and the Lib Dems where is the Remain campaign at ? where is the resistance in the Remain heartlands ? Are there community based campaigns ( that guarantee safe spaces) that are uniting the asylum seekers, the economic refugees and the bargaining chip Europeans with the diverse tolerant local population in these enlightened areas? And why are female and non white voices not leading this resistance ?
'One day without us' reckon there were 140 migrant led protests on Monday just gone.

All peaceful though so minimal press coverage unlike an EDL protest etc.
 
There were a number of threads this could have gone in, but here's Kenan Malik in the New York Times:

"While Stoke voted overwhelmingly for Brexit, only a small proportion of Leave voters appear to have voted now for UKIP. That many Leave voters seem reluctant to endorse UKIP calls into question the narrative that Brexit was driven by racism and UKIP-style xenophobia. It also raises doubts about UKIP’s strategy of challenging Labour by appealing to disenchanted working-class voters".

Britain’s Absent Opposition

He makes a number of interesting points, but the one I wanted to pick out was that if the strongest Leave area in the country isn't returning a UKIP MP, that calls into question the narrative that the pro Brexit vote was driven by xenophobic impulses.

This corrosive narrative has been accepted as given by so many, especially by liberal (used advisedly), commentators. It is this narrative that needs to be challenged, rather than Brexit itself.
 
I used one word of that sentence of yours to illustrate where our conversation has been at cross purposes. The rest of your sentence, and the quote you claim is "absolutely bloody brilliant" were about racism and sexism, and how essential it is that those at the sharp end should put up with it.
This is utter fucking rubbish, where in the quote below does it say any such thing.
It's essential to reject the idea that nothing can happen until white workers are no longer racist. I don't know what anybody thinks the Russian workers in 1917 were. They were sexist. They were nationalist. A lot of them were under the thumb of the church. But they made a goddamn revolution that began to change them. Whether there's a social explosion or not doesn't depend on any formal attitudes or supporting this particular organisation or that particular organisation.
This is the second time on this thread you've come out with this bollocks. You claimed it was an accident the first and yet you've done exactly the same again.
 
There were a number of threads this could have gone in, but here's Kenan Malik in the New York Times:

"While Stoke voted overwhelmingly for Brexit, only a small proportion of Leave voters appear to have voted now for UKIP. That many Leave voters seem reluctant to endorse UKIP calls into question the narrative that Brexit was driven by racism and UKIP-style xenophobia. It also raises doubts about UKIP’s strategy of challenging Labour by appealing to disenchanted working-class voters".

Britain’s Absent Opposition

He makes a number of interesting points, but the one I wanted to pick out was that if the strongest Leave area in the country isn't returning a UKIP MP, that calls into question the narrative that the pro Brexit vote was driven by xenophobic impulses.

This corrosive narrative has been accepted as given by so many, especially by liberal (used advisedly), commentators. It is this narrative that needs to be challenged, rather than Brexit itself.
Without reading the article the Stoke vote might equally suggest they don't want a pathological liar as their MP.
 
Without reading the article the Stoke vote might equally suggest they don't want a pathological liar as their MP.

Yeah, I'd be a bit hesitant in thinking that Stoke is some bastion of working class internationalism - firstly because the combined Brexity-tory and UKIP vote utterly dwarfed the Labour vote, and secondly that Nutter is someone who, when passed on the street by anyone of any political persausion would elicit a muttered 'Christ, what a twat...'

The kipper result in Stoke is what they achieved despite their candidate, not because of him. Had they had a moderately local, non-tweed and Barbour wearing fantastist candidate then Labour might have been in more trouble than they were. It's also worth noting that the Tories were only 100 votes behind UKIP, and they weren't really trying...
 
Yeah, I'd be a bit hesitant in thinking that Stoke is some bastion of working class internationalism
Nobody is claiming it is, not Malik (and Pickmans at least admits he hadn't read the article) and not me. (I know the area, so I am under no such illusion). So rather than counter something the article isn't saying, you should perhaps read it first. The quote is itself quite clear.
 
Nobody is claiming it is, not Malik (and Pickmans at least admits he hadn't read the article) and not me. (I know the area, so I am under no such illusion). So rather than counter something the article isn't saying, you should perhaps read it first. The quote is itself quite clear.

I was more responding to a wider falacy being peddled, particularly by Labour, that the Stoke by-election is a victory for 'hope' over UKIP's fear and divisiveness, and the remarkable idea set out by McDonnell that the people of Stoke had 'turned their backs' on UKIP despite voting for them in a grater proportion than ever before.
 
I was more responding to a wider falacy being peddled, particularly by Labour, that the Stoke by-election is a victory for 'hope' over UKIP's fear and divisiveness, and the remarkable idea set out by McDonnell that the people of Stoke had 'turned their backs' on UKIP despite voting for them in a grater proportion than ever before.
The result is certainly not one that should be seen as providing hope for the Labour Party. (And the article is clear in that too).

David Miliband is quite right about this: Labour is as far from power as it has ever been in his lifetime. He is wrong if he thinks that this is due to Corbyn. It is due to the Labour Party, with special mention to the period in which his wing of it governed the country.
 
There were a number of threads this could have gone in, but here's Kenan Malik in the New York Times:

"While Stoke voted overwhelmingly for Brexit, only a small proportion of Leave voters appear to have voted now for UKIP. That many Leave voters seem reluctant to endorse UKIP calls into question the narrative that Brexit was driven by racism and UKIP-style xenophobia. It also raises doubts about UKIP’s strategy of challenging Labour by appealing to disenchanted working-class voters".

Britain’s Absent Opposition

He makes a number of interesting points, but the one I wanted to pick out was that if the strongest Leave area in the country isn't returning a UKIP MP, that calls into question the narrative that the pro Brexit vote was driven by xenophobic impulses.

This corrosive narrative has been accepted as given by so many, especially by liberal (used advisedly), commentators. It is this narrative that needs to be challenged, rather than Brexit itself.
And unfortunately accepted by some posters on here. Another point is that the BME vote has by and large been taken as hostage by the Remoaners irrespective of the diversity of its vote and the fact that the EU discriminates in favour of EU citizens over relatives of British citizens.
 
The result is certainly not one that should be seen as providing hope for the Labour Party. (And the article is clear in that too).

David Miliband is quite right about this: Labour is as far from power as it has ever been in his lifetime. He is wrong if he thinks that this is due to Corbyn. It is due to the Labour Party, with special mention to the period in which his wing of it governed the country.
tbh if they'd not had a second leadership battle labour might have had a hope in 2020: but as soon as they embarked on an ill-timed and ill-thought-out attack on jc - just days after he'd been praised for his efforts during the referendum - they ensured that the tories would be a shoe-in in '20. compare and contrast the 2016 tory leadership campaign and the labour leadership campaign.
 
tbh if they'd not had a second leadership battle labour might have had a hope in 2020: but as soon as they embarked on an ill-timed and ill-thought-out attack on jc - just days after he'd been praised for his efforts during the referendum - they ensured that the tories would be a shoe-in in '20. compare and contrast the 2016 tory leadership campaign and the labour leadership campaign.
I do think the chicken coup played a role. Fairly obviously. But I think it's more than that.
 
I do think the chicken coup played a role. Fairly obviously. But I think it's more than that.
at a time when the tories were descending into what proved a remarkably brief bout of chaos, the labour party instead of providing a beacon of hope after the referendum decided the 'national interest' best served by trying to topple their leader. i don't think that will be easily forgotten.
 
at a time when the tories were descending into what proved a remarkably brief bout of chaos, the labour party instead of providing a beacon of hope after the referendum decided the 'national interest' best served by trying to topple their leader. i don't think that will be easily forgotten.
Indeed, but their decline into irrelevance began before then.
 
at a time when the tories were descending into what proved a remarkably brief bout of chaos, the labour party instead of providing a beacon of hope after the referendum decided the 'national interest' best served by trying to topple their leader. i don't think that will be easily forgotten.
Parliamentary LP.
 
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