And were more often than not part of a wider system of social control.
Slavery was an integral part of the capitalist system back then - it supported the same structures that led to the decline of the handloom weavers (where people starved - there's examples of kids setting up sort of friendly societies at sunday school where they'd put a penny in when they could to pay for their funeral when they starved). The same system that put people in the work house.
It's an insult to the paupers and the working poor of Britain to suggest this somehow benefited them.
Were it not for that system there wouldn't have been any need for the services provided by philanthropic organisations - which always came at a price anyway.
Once again, when class is ignored you get a very twisted picture of when went on, who was exploiting who and so on.
Well said. This wasn't lost on the weavers themselves either. They understood where the cotton they worked with came from. The Industrial Revolution was inextricably linked and produced through the colonial state. Marx. That period of the late 18th and early 19th century, which saw the introduction of the factory system and capitalist labour discipline here in Britain, was accompanied and directly linked to the intensification of American slavery. Dominic Losurdo
Liberalism: A Counter-history is a good read on this, he points out how slavery reached it's most advanced and cruel state in the years
after 1776, it wasn't some fuedal hangover that gradually withered away as people turned against it, it got much more comprehensive as the demand for raw materials from the booming textiles industry in Britain increased at the beginning of 19th century. He goes on to mention how during the arguments over the abolition of slavery, British anti-slavery people like Wilberforce and your philanthropic Tory types regularly had their hypocrisy pointed out to them by pro-slavery Americans, for the conditions in the workhouses and in the urban parts of the country. It's not just about cruelty of working conditions for those who ended up in workhouses, the system actually resembles slavery in the sense that the individual loses their legal persona, they're the excess population, the Other, the Living Dead (say it in a Zizek-voice.) This is a good quote from Losurdo that I was going to paraphrase but I'll type it out in full:
But however, poverty and degradation were not the most significant aspect of workhouses. At the start of the eigteenth century, Defoe favourably mentioned the example of the workhouse in Bristol, which "has been such a Terror to the Beggars that none of [them] will come near the City." In fact, the workhouse was subsequently described by Engels as a total institution: "Paupers wear the uniform of the house and are subject to the will of the director without any protection whatsoever." So that the "morally degenerate parents cannot influence their children, families are seperated; the man is sent to one wing, the woman to another, the children to a third". Families were broken up, but for the rest, all were amassed sometimes to the tune of twelve or sixteen, in a single room. Any kind of violence was inflicted on them, not even sparing the elderly and children, and involving particular attention to women. In practice, the inmates of the workhouses were treated as "objects of disgust and horror placed outside the law and human community". Thus was explained the fact, underscored by Engels, that in order to escape the "Poor Law Bastille's" (as they were popularly named), "many indigents or work houses preferred to die of hunger and illness rather than subject themselves to a workhouse"
It really isn't hyperbole to describe this kind of existence as a form of slavery. I'm not suggesting there were much evidence for political solidarity between those in the workhouses and factories and mines of Britain and slavery in America, just that it's foolish to presume that the people of this time were too ignorant to recognise how their own slavery and the American slave system were linked.
Now you can take a much longer view of history and point that over many decades after the 1850's, as the working-class became incorporated constitutionally into the bargaining power of the state, and started winning small improvements in their political rights and working conditions, they became structurally integrated into imperialism, that the ruling class shares the fruits of neo-imperialism more equitably amongst the first-world working clas, and you don't have to be a hardened Maoist to see this certainly true to some extent. It's also true though that the poorest section of working people in this country are systematically exploited by the same ruling class that dominates other countries and enforces that global exploition, just with certain political and economic concessions (ones that were not always there and are looking increasingly perilous. But going "white privilege" and posting pictures of slave ships on twitter doesn't really make that point very well. The problem I think is that all this historical detail is swept aside so that someone can squeeze into a 140 character soundbite a crude ahistorical binary
"Oppressed/Privileged" message. Which is harmless enough when it's just tweets (reality check - it's just a tweet) a bit more problematic when that same reductionist mentality gets applied to more serious concerns. Mix that with an obssession with the purity of their own jargon, loads of in-group posturing, in-jokes and memes and other barriers based on cultural capital, and you end up with a right mess.