Ok, I've spent pretty much most of the day scouring the web and our collection of pamphlets, and can I hellers like find that Paul Foot one to quote from. But I think it was about the Haiti slave rebellion, and I read it at my then workplace when I was still yoof. What vexed me was that Foot mentioned rapes taking place as part of the rebellion, without labelling them for the unacceptable sexual violence that they were. Ok it was another time and another place, (the context of the rebellion). But it put me off joining the SWP for years, as it inevitably sowed the seed of an idea that some Marxist theoreticians found rape acceptable as an appropriate "punishment".
As for Cliff, 1984 (sorry for the copy and paste-a-thon):
"Tony Cliff
Class Struggle and Women’s Liberation
(1984)
From the Introduction:
In the later chapters of this book, we look at the contemporary women’s liberation movements in the United States and Britain. We consider their social composition and their mode of action. We show how these movements have focussed consistently on areas where men and women are at odds – rape, battered women, wages for housework – while ignoring or playing down the important struggles in which women are more likely to win the support of men: strikes, opposition to welfare cuts, equal pay, unionisation, abortion. The contemporary movements idealise women as victims of male supremacy, and not as fighting members of the working class. Instead of concentrating on where women are strongest – in the unions and workplaces – they concentrate on those areas where they are weakest. Hence these women’s movements have been pushed to the margins. They have been caught in a process of disintegration, although their ideas still hold a tremendous sway.
From Chapter 11:
A measure of how the women’s movement distanced itself from the working class is the changes in its platform of demands. As we have seen, the original 1971 demands (equal pay now, equal education and job opportunities, free contraception and abortion on demand and free 24-hour nurseries) suited the needs of working-class women. In 1975, two new demands were added: “Financial and legal independence” and “an end to all discrimination against lesbians and a woman’s right to define her own sexuality”. In 1978, at the last National Women’s Conference, the following demand was added: “Freedom from intimidation by threat or use of violence or sexual coercion, regardless of marital status; and an end to all laws, assumptions and institutions which perpetuate male dominance and men’s aggression towards women.” The original four demands were clear, aimed at changes in the real world and directed towards the state; the added ones largely related to “attitudes” and “assumptions”, to “personal politics”.
"
What this tells me is that, in Cliff's opinion, campaigning for improved support and treatment of rape victims was a bit of a distraction from what he considered to be the really important stuff, and yet what's come out in this discussion is that over the past few decades there really have been significant improvements in the way that rape victims are treated by the police, the courts and by the various support networks. I think that marginal improvements such as these really do make a big difference to people's lives in the here and now, and it gives them more confidence to fight and challenge other things.