Pickman's model
Starry Wisdom
GrandI've learned so much about being trans from this thread
GrandI've learned so much about being trans from this thread
These are countries that currently dismiss womens' rights and concerns.
Don't use black people to make your nonsensical point, please. It's not comparable.I’m black. But being formerly white I’m more oppressed than actual black people as I have an added oppression. Black people who complain are just being bigots towards white to black trans people.
Don't use black people to make your nonsensical point, please. It's not comparable.
While we might both criticise Denmark's current 12-week limit for on-demand abortion (I would criticise any legal limit), in practice it is a country that provides safe, free abortions below that limit. I don't think it's fair to characterise Denmark as a particularly bad offender wrt women's rights.These are countries that currently dismiss womens' rights and concerns.
Ireland's position on abortion didn't stop it from equalising the age of consent eight years before the UK did so. Its equal age of consent was more progressive than the UK's position during those eight years.
SEx.Consent for what?
Consent for what?
The causal link proposed is that a country that doesn't care about women's rights will feel equally at ease banning abortion as it will allowing men self-declaring as women to undermine attempts to create equality via protected status legislation.But in any case, I don't see the causal link.
While we might both criticise Denmark's current 12-week limit for on-demand abortion (I would criticise any legal limit), in practice it is a country that provides safe, free abortions below that limit. I don't think it's fair to characterise Denmark as a bad offender wrt women's rights.
But in any case, I don't see the causal link. I don't see it as either/or. To give a different example, Ireland's position on abortion didn't stop it from equalising the age of consent eight years before the UK did so. Its equal age of consent was more progressive than the UK's position during those eight years.
We also need to be careful about talking about 'a country' and what it cares about like that. In the case of Argentina, for instance, the country is extremely divided over the issue of abortion. Plenty in government would actually like to change the law there, but the Church is still a powerful lobby. Certain bad things are easier to change than others, so are likely to be changed first.The causal link proposed is that a country that doesn't care about women's rights will feel equally at ease banning abortion as it will allowing men self-declaring as women to undermine attempts to create equality via protected status legislation.
(I'm not saying I endorse this perspective, but the proposed causal link seems logical enough in principle).
I would actually question the conflating of women's rights with trans rights, tbh. Clearly this is a disputed area, but that's precisely why I think it's sensible to look at what is happening in countries where self-id is in place. And to make the sample size as large as possible, you look at all four of the countries that have made the change.You seem to be conflating women's rights with gay rights. Ireland equalising the age of consent for gay and straight people tells us nothing about the state's attitude to women. It's appalling position on abortion tells us lots. The fact that countries with relatively poor records on women's rights are amongst those keen to allow self-ID ought to make us reflect for a moment or two. Personally, I don't think that correlation is a significant as any data regarding the effects of the law change, though. And, in that regard, there doesn't appear to be much evidence of the change having a detrimental effect on women (though I accept that might be an issue with sample size and/or that it is too early to see the full effect).
It's the opposite to conflation -- it's the suggestion that there is a conflict between women's rights and trans rights.I would actually question the conflating of women's rights with trans rights, tbh. .
Ok. That then. I certainly dispute the idea that countries that have made this change to self-id have done so because they are places that disregard the voices of women. I see no evidence for that whatsoever.It's the opposite to conflation -- it's the suggestion that there is a conflict between women's rights and trans rights.
I would actually question the conflating of women's rights with trans rights, tbh. Clearly this is a disputed area, but that's precisely why I think it's sensible to look at what is happening in countries where self-id is in place.
No, it doesn't. Correct me if I'm wrong (about you) but you seem to think recognising similar levels of privilege or oppression goes hand in hand with thinking that the drivers of identity are also similar.I know it isn’t but the wheel of oppression certainly thinks so.
. ..Ireland equalising the age of consent for gay and straight people tells us nothing about the state's attitude to women. It's appalling position on abortion tells us lots. .
Fair enough, but you can presumably similarly see that making a change to self-id is also not a tick in the "progressive on women's rights" box either.Ok. That then. I certainly dispute the idea that countries that have made this change to self-id have done so because they are places that disregard the voices of women. I see no evidence for that whatsoever.
What does it tell you? It tells me it's come a long way since the stereotypical church stranglehold of yesterday and yes, it still has a way to go but (like the US) there are very different demographics there. Still, the ultra conservative religious are in the minority and there's no reconciling them with the new Ireland but even with the money pouring in for pro-life groups (from the US) the country is on the up (regarding women's rights etc).
It tells me that the state is less progressive when it comes to women's rights than the UK.
It is not necessary for a metric to be one-dimensional to create an ordering on a single dimension.If you define women's rights solely by pro-choice, yes, this is currently true.
If you define women's rights solely by pro-choice, yes, this is currently true.
It is not necessary for a metric to be one-dimensional to create an ordering on a single dimension.
In that case you either need to refer to women's rights in x dimension or show that including all other dimensions the UK is more progressive overall, no?It is not necessary for a metric to be one-dimensional to create an ordering on a single dimension.
Indeed. And I agree with Athos that I am struggling to see other dimensions within the category of women's rights in which Ireland is clearly more progressive.In that case you either need to refer to women's rights in x dimension or show that including all other dimensions the UK is more progressive overall, no?
I can't say that (3,2) is bigger than (2,3) under a typical ordering system but I can say that (3,2) is bigger than (2,2).Nope, sorry. Perplexed again.
Not solely, no. But I'm not aware of any other measures by which Ireland is so far ahead of the UK on women's rights as to offset its appalling position on such an important issue, such that it could meaningfully be said to be more progressive regarding women's rights as a whole. Are you?
In which case you could just have agreed with krtek a houby.Indeed. And I agree with Athos that I am struggling to see other dimensions within the category of women's rights in which Ireland is clearly more progressive.
I don't agree with him. It is not necessary to "define women's rights solely by pro-choice" in order for Athos' statement to be true. Indeed, this was the point of my response, that I disagree.In which case you could just have agreed with krtek a houby.
I can't say that (3,2) is bigger than (2,3) under a typical ordering system but I can say that (3,2) is bigger than (2,2).