DotCommunist
So many particulars. So many questions.
The sooner 'free' market economics are shown up as a total lie the better. Central state planning would never have led us to this shit.
a neo liberal free marketeer who knows something about economics, or a neo liberal free marketeer who doesn't have a fucking clue?
I think someone who knows about economics is the last thing we need. Who does that leave?
osborne?
maybe he isn't clueless... but he certainly comes across as useless in interviews...
There are 3 sorts of votes:Well, I started to understand why the tories needed a greater than 7% lead over labour to be sure that they had a majority - mu understanding was that this was because most labour seats were city ones with fewer voters in eah seat. While most tory seats were country with greater numbers of voters.
But I am not sure that makes sense anyhow.
But as regards the LibDems I am not sure no!
For my money, what we need isn't a new politics, it's a new electorate. Oh, that they had but one head.
The latest voting intention figures here are CON 32%(-6), LAB 36%(-5), LDEM 23%(+12). The swing in these seats is now 5%. In comparison, Ipsos MORI’s monthly GB poll had a swing from Labour to the Conservatives of 3.5%, so even beneath the Lib Dem surge, the Conservatives still seem to be performing slightly better in their Labour held target seats.
Another interesting finding is that the number of people saying they would vote Labour and Conservative has not fallen. Rather, there has been a jump in Lib Dem support amongst those previously unlikely to vote (who MORI wouldn’t normally count) and don’t knows.
There are 3 sorts of votes:
1. Those that get them to the winning post
2. Those that make the majority stronger
3. Those that are in a seat that someone else wins
Labour have more of 1 than the Tories and the Tories have more of 2 than Labour, and the Lib Dems more of 3 than the other two parties. The Tories are too geographically concentrated, and the Lib Dems too geographically diffuse, Labour has the best balance in terms of winning seats.
The only votes that count are the ones that get the party to the winning post (hence voters in marginals being the only ones that can actually make a difference by voting). The Tories waste the most votes in safe seats and the Lib Dems waste the most votes in seats they cannot win. Labour wastes fewest - hence they need fewer to win.Sorry, that does not seem to make it any clearer for me.
I may come back and read it again later !!
The only votes that count are the ones that get the party to the winning post (hence voters in marginals being the only ones that can actually make a difference by voting). The Tories waste the most votes in safe seats and the Lib Dems waste the most votes in seats they cannot win. Labour wastes fewest - hence they need fewer to win.
It's just the way their voters are distributed geographically. Labour get a narrow majority in a lot of urban areas whilst the Tories get a huge majority in fewer rural ones. The Lib Dems present a widely acceptable alternative nearly everywhere so their votes are spread very thin.OK, I can kind of follow that.
But why does labour "waste the fewest?"
That is a great way of explaining it, thanks ymu.
I bet you fucking love that poll
I wonder if there other polls to be announced tomorrow. One set of results showing a (partial) return to normal could be an aberration.
Ipsos MORI poll to be announced tmw:
CON 36%(+4), LAB 30%(+2), LDEM 23%(-9)
It's just the way their voters are distributed geographically. Labour get a narrow majority in a lot of urban areas whilst the Tories get a huge majority in fewer rural ones. The Lib Dems present a widely acceptable alternative nearly everywhere so their votes are spread very thin.
It would make little or no difference. Constituencies should be as equally-sized as possible, of course, but that's not the reason Labour votes count for more. I doubt they have a preponderance of smaller constituencies anyway - it's usually rural constituences that are smaller than average, isn't it?So boundary changes to effect that most constituencies had the same population (as proposed by Cameron) might or might not make the system fairer!?
In fact in the period between the Chancellor’s Debate and the afternoon of the Leaders Debate, polling was already moving up for the LD’s and down for the Tories and Labour.
The more you decide the polls are only partly about the Leader’s Debates, the more you can see how the Lib Dem numbers are very hard to pin down, hence the fluidity I spoke of in my last post.
Parliamentary Constituency Boundary Reviews and Electoral Bias: How Important Are Variations in Constituency Size?
Galina Borisyuk, Colin Rallings and Michael Thrasher*
LGC Elections Centre, University of Plymouth, UK
Ron Johnston
School of Geographical Sciences, University of Bristol, UK
Correspondence: * Corresponding auhor: [email protected]
It is frequently canvassed by some politicians and political commentators that the current British electoral system is biased against the Conservative party because of variations in constituency size: seats won by the Conservatives at recent elections have been larger than those won by Labour in terms of their registered electorates, thereby disadvantaging the former. As a consequence, it is argued that equalisation of constituency electorates by the Boundary Commissions would remove that disadvantage. The validity of this argument is addressed in two ways. First, we demonstrate that the rules and procedures applied by the Boundary Commissions when redistributing seats in the UK preclude the achievement of substantial equality in constituency electorates. Secondly, we use a recent adaptation of a widely-used procedure for establishing electoral bias in three-party systems to show that variations in constituency electorates had only a minor impact on the outcome of elections after the last two redistributions. The geography of each party's support base is much more important, so changes in the redistribution procedure are unlikely to have a substantial impact and remove the significant disadvantage currently suffered by the Conservative party.
http://pa.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/abstract/63/1/4