There is no middle class, structurally speaking. Today’s structural analysis tends to focus on the following groups defined by the way that their field of activity creates, in Bourdieu’s terms, a particular “habitus”, or internal model of the world that creates particular dispositions, behaviours and meanings:
- Those who work in industries that have been “Taylorised”, ie the “scientific management” of time and motion studies has allowed for the embodied knowledge of individual workers to be externalised into the system. This means the workers are readily replaceable. It also, however, allows for collectivisation — individuals do not feel they can improve their individual lot without the class as a whole also being raised. The bedrock of the old left.
— Those who have gained some social capital that means they are in charge of the first group, as low level managers, foremen etc. This individual’s position is precarious — they are in constant danger of falling back into the first group. This fosters both an individualised set of interests and a desire to create cultural differentiation from the first group. Classic “working-class” Tories.
— Children from the above groups who then acquired intellectual and cultural capital, e.g. by going to university, but do not have the social capital required to turn this into financial capital. This group is also defined by social mobility and precarity — they seek to exit the groups they came from but the lack of social capital tends to create a downward mobility in respect of this expectation. The result is an individualised set of interests combined with a social resentment that their aims have been thwarted. Asu such, forms the bulk of the modern Labour Party and “progressive” movements — neoliberal in world-conception but angry that “meritocracy” hasn’t meant they personally are in charge.
— Sole traders, small capital etc, who tend to employ themselves and one or two others at most. Much of what I would write here is similar to the second group above, but this group is more defined also by a distrust of systems that would benefit large capital, which includes regulation and red tape. Individualistic, but prone also to form special interest groups that have the appearance of solidarity, albeit without ideological substance
— The professional managerial class. A stable class, who make decisions on behalf of the owners of capital. Key differentiator is a lack of precariousness — children of the PMC will end up as PMC regardless of how poorly they do at school. Have an assumption that they are the rightful rulers, and look down on aristocratic owners of capital that they view as fools. Those running the Labour Party exemplify the PMC — Blair, Starmer etc.
— Owners of capital, who do not have to get involved in the management of that capital, but can simply live off the proceeds. The classic bourgeoisie.
— Those unable to sell their labour, and thus must rely for survival on, eg, state benefits.
Note that specific individuals will often move between groups during their own lifetime — particularly the first four of them. Groups 2-4 are defined by precariousness and mobility, in fact. Class is not some essentialised identity attached to the self, and that is why it is meaningless to spend your time trying to allocate individuals to buckets. Class is a way of understanding why certain groups might react in certain ways to certain situations.