Open questions especially to current HE and FE students:
How far are intersectionalists a reserve team on behalf of university management?
I was reading through
this report from a different Laura - Co-President of the Bristol University Feminist Society - who apparently also stands as part of the NUS Women's Committee's Black Caucus (she describes it below).
She was reporting back from the NUS Women's Conference held early March this year:
It has little sense of putting forward ideas of actual struggle - staff strikes, staff non-cooperation with bureaucracy, student boycotts - more like being an aid to management.
It almost sounds like doing the work of management itself (focus groups, prescriptive recommendations) so that some window-dressing or divisive mechanisms can be put in place by university HR and chancellors.
There's no mention of free (or as limited fees as possible) childcare. It's simply research
for existing students only "anybody at the University", ie those working-class potential/theoretical but not actual students with childcare responsibilities who are already out of the loop will stay out. Is this 'intsersectionalism'?
Surely the way to solve the problem is to demand another toilet for men - not to simply change the label on an existing toilet how will that help anybody of whatever gender?
So NUS Women's Committee doesn't know what to do about university sexism, and is talking with other bodies.
Is this the fruit of the intersectional approach talking with every other liberal (identity or not) group under the sun - so much so that actual action against the sexism doesn't happen as easily.
Yet according to this account there was a lot of bluster:
I have nothing against this kind of talk against men(all men) - it happens and that's that.
But this all-women's group of the NUS can't recommend any strategy, can't stiffen the nationwide defence against the Unilad sexism, because it has to meet with other groups?? WTF?
On the black caucus.
This feeling might be represented in her final score for it being the lowest out of all of them:-
Should it bother people that non-black and non-Asian minorities feel out of place in "black caucuses"?
They are, after all only a very small part of the population and only really experience discrimination in assumptions over their names, and problems with immigration and family status.
You could see the numerous aspects of racism which affect those who are more visibly black:- deaths in police custody, profiling for crime fighting, police failing to respond to racist attacks etc are a function of the police. So no number of black caucuses however well attended will end the deaths in custody until the whole working-class population assumes the mantle and self-confidence to assert itself in self-policing without capitalist police.
In intersectionality terms, it might suggest that white working-class young people who also feel the effects of police profiling (even though they might be able to modify it but dressing acting differently just as Muslim women might drop headscarves) could contribute to this struggle, which under the present situation of a 'black caucus' they are excluded from.
Obviously it's up to people how they organise on what grounds in what ways who they exclude or include, but I feel the whole championing of intersectionality by bits of the NUS is a mask for its wider structural failings.
However concerns such as mine about intersectionality (or aims to further explicitly working-class interests of all racial origins, genders and sexual inclinations) can be dismissed as 'unexamined privilege' and wanting to trample over black people, women, immigrants, homosexuals, transgendered people, disabled people, those suffering from poor mental health, those on the autistic spectrum etc.
Pushing through new quotas, new caucuses, new officer roles will come up against wider apolitical (rightist) tendencies within the NUS and this struggle will stand in place of actual struggle against management unless people are very careful.