l listened to all six of these...lots of things covered, but heres some key things ive come away with - long post incomplete summary with some of my own thoughts incoming:
Marx wrongly predicted that the PB would disappear as a result of getting squashed out by monopoly capitalism. I would really love to see a list of all the things Marx has been proven by time to be wrong - I think that would be useful and make clear what needs updating. Marxism as a theory of what will make a revolution is predicated on the (supposedly growing) numbers of people disenfranchised: it was theorised that capitalism will create a critical mass of alienated, dispossessed worker, a large enough a percentage of the population that revolution becomes if not inevitable then at least achievable.
But in the UK 150 years later that hasn't happened and in fact that class composition has gone the other way: an expanded middle class (possibly around 30%), and also an expanded PB (also posited at around 30%), and a working class (also about 30%) some of whom are well paid relatively. It would be really interesting to get more accurate numbers on that - I'm hoping the 2021 census might provide that soon.
The issue of class composition and the numbers that go with it is the most important part of thinking about all this IMO. It defines how appeals to socialism will land - or not.
Another aspect here is that there is much more class movement than there used to be, in the sense that if you were an industrial wage earning worker in the 1800s that was likely you for life, and also the same for everyone around you. Now if you are a prole you might one day become a PB or get a middle class management position over time as you get older. So people are less fixed to an identity of being a working class worker because they might well think they wont be that for ever.
Also you might be a prole but your partners has a well paid middle class job - all these kinds of factors weaken militancy.
On home-ownership a good point made was that many people put up with their shit adult situation (low wage, renting etc) because they know they will inherit a house when they are 60 or so from parents, so they stick it out. With those high home ownership figures (posted upthread) this affects a lot of people. This is deliberately leveraged by the Tories and why they keep house pries high, as its effectively a pension pay out, or money that can liquidated through downsizing.
Another right-wing tactic has been to encourage people to become self-employed. This was and is pushed by DWP, job centres etc, free courses about filing tax returns etc. Its been effective, swelling the number of PBs.
What is the PB mindset and characteristics
-hard to generalise because there are a variety of structural positions within the group
-historically derided by Marxists for 'support' of fascism in downturns. this can be perhaps be overstated - i think the PB can be a passive class politically, and if not outright support fascism they dont oppose it
-can be more family-minded, the business unit is based around the individual and therefore next of kin can often be drawn in - whereas when working for a bigger employer you work and interact with a more mixed group of people
-one of the key appeals of PB working is the autonomy, not working for someone and not being a wage slave. historically and globally this can often mean earning less money, but would rather do that for the freedom it gives.
- the 'rugged individualism' of a successful PB can lead to a selfishness and antisocial im alright jack mindset.
- its simplistic to put the desire for autonomy and self-making down to neoliberalism or even capitalism as PB activity predates capitalism by hundreds if not thousands of years.
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The key issue for me is that the class-centred appeal of the left in the UK has become really problematic. The significant number of workers in the UK are not proles, and even if they are they either dont see themselves as being that forever, or they might have a range of other possible stakes in the system, either now or down the line.
One of the podcasts was with Jamie Woodcock - very much a Marxian - editorial board of historical materialism - and he was saying classic Marxist class terms are somewhat outdated as the world of work has shifted so much in 150 years - but he threw his hands up to say he didnt know how to sufficiently accurately define these schisms and that this was a job that needed doing.
I do think this is an issue. For a start the language needs replacing. Not only can i not spell boojwah, but it means nothing to me - supposedly in the french it meant city-dweller. Considering just how intricate and accurate Marx tried to be we really have got a much more fuzzy view on class now, and that's a real weakness of contemporary left theory, especially so if we believe that class is the key to social change.
Even if we did have a more accurate theoretical picture of contemporary class that still leaves the hard job of how to make a socialist appeal to people, when the significant majority of the working public are not proles.