Fantastic love detective! Thanks so much
I feel liek Laurie Penny, crowdsourcing my essays
I feel liek Laurie Penny, crowdsourcing my essays
Delroy Booth said:Fantastic love detective! Thanks so much
I feel liek Laurie Penny, crowdsourcing my essays
chapter 15 said:James Mill, MacCulloch, Torrens, Senior, John Stuart Mill, and a whole series besides, of bourgeois political economists, insist that all machinery that displaces workmen, simultaneously and necessarily sets free an amount of capital adequate to employ the same identical workmen......
....The real facts, which are travestied by the optimism of economists, are as follows: The labourers, when driven out of the workshop by the machinery, are thrown upon the labour market, and there add to the number of workmen at the disposal of the capitalists. In Part VII of this book it will be seen that this effect of machinery, which, as we have seen, is represented to be a compensation to the working class, is on the contrary a most frightful scourge. For the present I will only say this: The labourers that are thrown out of work in any branch of industry, can no doubt seek for employment in some other branch. If they find it, and thus renew the bond between them and the means of subsistence, this takes place only by the intermediary of a new and additional capital that is seeking investment; not at all by the intermediary of the capital that formerly employed them and was afterwards converted into machinery. And even should they find employment, what a poor look-out is theirs! Crippled as they are by division of labour, these poor devils are worth so little outside their old trade, that they cannot find admission into any industries, except a few of inferior kind, that are over-supplied with underpaid workmen. Further, every branch of industry attracts each year a new stream of men, who furnish a contingent from which to fill up vacancies, and to draw a supply for expansion. So soon as machinery sets free a part of the workmen employed in a given branch of industry, the reserve men are also diverted into new channels of employment, and become absorbed in other branches; meanwhile the original victims, during the period of transition, for the most part starve and perish.
In some cases technological development is driven by the desire of capital to increase the tempo/productivity of work, but are you saying that is a rule? I'd guess that technological development has been driven by many other factors, including (off the top of my head) workers' own desires to make their tasks simpler, scientific curiosity, utopianism, and without doubt competition. Not just market competition - you could see the cold war as fueling technological advances on both sides for example.
Competition in the market is not just about increasing the productivity of work (not in-itself a bad thing when you're doing laborious work and new technology makes that easier - the JCB digger for example), but also novelty - new products, which often means solving problems, which can be broadly benefical. From what I know about computer technology, like a lot of US innovations there are spin offs from the military-industrial complex, but there was a lot of utopianism in the Californian tech industry, particularly at the start. I don't think Tim Berners-Lee's motivation was exploiting workers to extract surplus value or whatnot.
Wasn't Marx quite pro-technology? Technology + Communism was going to let us all go fishing in the afternoons I thought...
...I feel liek Laurie Penny...
So you're a straight lesbian bisexual female with no money who was the smartest girl at a school full of smart girls, then Delroy?
Have you considered that I actually am Laurie Penny in cognito
Have you considered that I actually am Laurie Penny in cognito
I don't think she's ever heard of St.Helens for a start.
Your arguments are (occasionally ) too sound for you to be Laura.
I assume she'd think it was a school not a town.
Only occasionally?
Sorry, mate.
I get that for sure. The question is what are the implications of that.Technology is not in and of itself a problem - it's often a very good thing, not least for those workers who no longer have to do back-breaking/dangerous/life-shortening work. The problem is that productivity gains are not shared. If new machinery is introduced that allows the same production with half the workers, it doesn't mean everyone's hours get cut in half whilst their wages stay the same, or that the remaining workers earn twice as much as before. It means that half the workers are chucked on the dole and the rest accept shittier and shittier T&Cs because there are unemployed people desperate for their jobs.
Do you see a Neo-Luddite parallel possible? I can't imagine one. I doubt in any of the modern cases it involves anyone who could be considered a "freeman" - that point has been crossed, or am i misunderstanding the concept?The luddites considered themselves free men, and they could tell that classical economics required a new and particularly intensive type of domination over the workforce that was very different to way they had lived previously. Although they weren't technically artisans, that had a certain degree of autonomy over where they could work and what hours they did and son on, and those were things that capitalist mode of production put an end too.
I thought that was the case too, and count me in on that. Ive no protestant work ethic myself, though i work hard when my job requires it. The worst job i ever had was a desk job that i could do a weeks work in a day. I quit from boredom.And I don't know Marx's views on technology in any great depth, hence me asking for help on this thread, but there's definitely a school of thought in the Marxist/Socialist movement that was really into technology, and was well into the idea of basically replacing the working class with machines to the fullest extent possible. On that topic there's some really interesting stuff George Orwell wrote in the Tribune critiquing some of this technological utopianism that was around during his time, if I can find it in the next few hours I'll edit the post and bang a link up here.
Bit off topic but some anecdotes from myself.In the sixties I was a Seagull (casual wharfie ),sounds bad I know but we worked with and under union members and had the same rates etc.It was at the beginning of containerisation and bonus payments were in the agreements based on loose cargo so we were getting twice or more of basic pay in bonus's,we had them by the balls.It took them a decade or more to crush the union,it's still going on but the union have been on the back foot with privatisation,neo liberal economics et al and have been whittled away for forty odd years.Was once the strongest union in NZ.
Later at the end of the seventies I worked as a spark at Dagenham ( I left EEPTU and joined the TGWU ) again we had them by the balls,nobody except the sparks could start or stop the lines (except emergency stops), there were so many emergency stops the line workers would hit one and stick a match in it and given many had been added ad hoc without being on the plans they would lose millions before the problem was found.I guess most people know about the resistance in the car industry especially Fords.I left when they brought in computerisation of the controls whereby they wanted to have line workers look at a screen find a faulty trip switch,contactor whatever and swap out the faulty one with a new one.Complete deskilling,we tried to fight it but by that stage home ownership was on the cards for a lot of reasonably paid workers,so with a mortgage,discounted Cortina on credit etcetera most of the older workers wouldn't join in.The trim womens strike was before my time and the riots in the body plant just after.Industrial sabotage was pretty common .But as everyone knows they still forced all that crap through.
You just need a minimum wage that reflects productivity, and a working week that reflects the number of workers available to do the work that is required. The share of wages going to labour has fallen from 60%+ to 53% now. Restoring it to 1960s levels would allow a 10% pay rise for everyone and a 30 hour working week (to eliminate employment).I get that for sure. The question is what are the implications of that.
Seems to me that if you follow the logic through the conclusion is either: Would we rather see a roll back of technology so there could be full employment under capitalism (ignoring the case that capitalists dont want full employment os as to be able to surpres unemplyment)? Or is moving on with technology taking over all work bringing us nearer the end of the system - putting people out of work along the way and straining the capitalist social contract? I guess thats what the likes of Krugman are fearing.
I just can't see any way back tbh. We cant put the genie of science and technological development back in the bottle. And fighting for work that doesnt need doing because a machine can do it makes sense from the self interest of the worker to keep a wage, but thats about it.
Would a factory under workers control refuse new technology so it could keep its full work force employed? It probably would if each worker had a vote - but that just keeps workers working for the sake of working for a wage, not because the work needs doing. Pointless/harmful work is a huge part of the problem inherent in capitalism. In any system in fact.
this kind of practical reformism appeals to me - a step in the right direction and relatively simple and bloodless to implement (in theory). It was before my time, but can anyone give some background on the http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Three-Day_Week when that was introduced? DId private businesses have to adhere to a 3 day week? What happened to wages in that period? Would you get paid 5 days wage for 3 days work?You just need a minimum wage that reflects productivity, and a working week that reflects the number of workers available to do the work that is required. The share of wages going to labour has fallen from 60%+ to 53% now. Restoring it to 1960s levels would allow a 10% pay rise for everyone and a 30 hour working week (to eliminate employment).
i follow that, but it seems to me that one problem is that there aren't popular reformist demands on which to build a class struggle. The call out to overthrow the system has a very limited appeal. a call out that says, would you like to work less and get paid more would be something to rally around and build on. If it can be achieved then it is a big step in the right direction, and the very process of aiming for it is worth it in itself. See what happens next when you get there.And for all those who say well it's just a 'step in the right direction' they should consider that change doesn't come from people having ideas in the abstract about how things should be. Change comes through class struggle from a starting point of how things are, and is determined by the relative balance of material class forces at any point in time. If the balance of class forces was at such a point where labour could make such demands of capital (a 3 day week for 5 days pay for example ), then by definition to settle for this kind of underconsumptionist/social democratic tweaking of the distribution/fruits of capitalist production in those circumstances would actually be a reactionary/conservative/pro capitalist position to take, given the much wider social transformatory possibilities that would be opened up by the substantial change in class forces implied
i follow that, but it seems to me that one problem is that there aren't popular reformist demands on which to build a class struggle. The call out to overthrow the system has a very limited appeal. a call out that says, would you like to work less and get paid more would be something to rally around and build on. If it can be achieved then it is a big step in the right direction, and the very process of aiming for it is worth it in itself. See what happens next when you get there.
It doesn't really matter what the intentions of people developing technology are - under capitalist social relations they can pretty much only be inserted into society, into production, on the basis of those pre-existing social relations and so be subject to the laws of competition and concentration etc - whilst still being open to more directly open harmful uses.
Once market imperatives set the terms of social reproduction, all economic actors—both appropriators and producers, even if they retain possession, or indeed outright ownership, of the means of production—are subject to the demands of competition, increasing productivity, capital accumulation, and the intense exploitation of labor.
For that matter, even the absence of a division between appropriators and producers is no guarantee of immunity (and this, by the way, is why “market socialism” is a contradiction in terms): once the market is established as an economic “discipline” or “regulator,” once economic actors become market dependent for the conditions of their own reproduction, even workers who own the means of production, individually or collectively, will be obliged to respond to the market’s imperatives—to compete and accumulate, to let “uncompetitive” enterprises and their workers go to the wall, and to exploit themselves.
Popular reformist demands don't "build a class struggle" - class struggles build popular reformist demands (or at least can do).i follow that, but it seems to me that one problem is that there aren't popular reformist demands on which to build a class struggle. The call out to overthrow the system has a very limited appeal. a call out that says, would you like to work less and get paid more would be something to rally around and build on. If it can be achieved then it is a big step in the right direction, and the very process of aiming for it is worth it in itself. See what happens next when you get there.
It isnt clear cut that to win that demand would allow greater changes immediately. it may do, it may not.
Off topic, but this is also an apt response to those on here who think that, all other things being equal, having more John Lewis's and less Tesco's is some kind of solutionThis is how Ellen Meiksins Wood puts it:
Once market imperatives set the terms of social reproduction, all economic actors—both appropriators and producers, even if they retain possession, or indeed outright ownership, of the means of production—are subject to the demands of competition, increasing productivity, capital accumulation, and the intense exploitation of labor.
For that matter, even the absence of a division between appropriators and producers is no guarantee of immunity (and this, by the way, is why “market socialism” is a contradiction in terms): once the market is established as an economic “discipline” or “regulator,” once economic actors become market dependent for the conditions of their own reproduction, even workers who own the means of production, individually or collectively, will be obliged to respond to the market’s imperatives—to compete and accumulate, to let “uncompetitive” enterprises and their workers go to the wall, and to exploit themselves.