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But even as Hezbollah has prevailed in many ways, likely emerging from the Syrian Civil War as one of the few parties to cement enduring gains, it has also suffered significant losses. In four years of fighting in Syria,
Hezbollah lost more fighters than it did during the entire eighteen-year Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon. Its Syria tally is approximately two thousand dead and possibly as many as six thousand wounded.
Whether the blood and treasure expended by Hezbollah and Syria will ultimately be worth it depends on two things. First, how much did Hezbollah improve as a fighting force, and will it be able to retain this competence when not actively engaged in hostilities?
Because Hezbollah enjoys sanctuary in Lebanon, it will be able to rebuild its force over time with
new recruits and train them in the tactics learned in Syria, all while maintaining ties to the organizations and operatives it worked with in Syria. Although it might not have cause to engage in hostilities in the near term, it will almost certainly have improved its capacity for doing so through its experience in Syria.
Second, will Hezbollah be able to translate its battlefield acumen into domestic political power back home?
On the domestic front, Hezbollah will likely continue to succeed in portraying itself as a “resistance force” and attempt to parlay its sacrifices in Syria into political power in Lebanon. In late October,
Michel Aoun, a Maronite Christian, was elected president of Lebanon’s parliament, ending a two-year deadlock that kept the post vacant. He was backed in part by Hezbollah.
Most have been on the losing side of the civil war in Syria. While not unscathed, Hezbollah stands to gain momentum at home and throughout the region. Through its evolution from ragtag militia to global terrorist organization and Lebanese political party, Hezbollah has cemented its status as a power player in the Middle East.