trouble is to get things the right way around - to understand moral depravity, or at least some subset of it, as an effect rather than a cause of social structures, especially class structures. It so happens that, when it comes to the Epstein scandal, the case is very easy to make. After all, sexual exploitation of the weak is a peccadillo of all historic ruling classes, from the droit de seigneur of the medieval lord to the rampant use of slaves for sex, both in the ancient world and in the antebellum southern US - and even to the 12th century bishop of Winchester, Henry of Blois, who obtained a licence from the king to run a string of brothels across the south of England (his employees were whimsically nicknamed the ‘Winchester geese’). Equally characteristically, rising or progressive classes denounce such outrages as evidence of the need for change.
The last such class to successfully supplant its exploiters was, of course, the bourgeoisie; but - for all the piety of Calvinist and Quaker entrepreneurs in the high period of the industrial revolution - the result has been the same. Already, by the 1840s, Marx and Engels could have a good laugh in the Communist manifesto at the sport among bourgeois gentlemen of seducing each others’ wives; by the end of that century, moral panics about child prostitution in British cities were routine and, while perhaps exaggerated by conservative religious sentiments, certainly reflected a real and dismal phenomenon among poor women.
At the end of that historical development is someone like Epstein, who more or less reinvents the aristocratic veneration of one’s own blood and sense of entitlement to the bodies of one’s lessers from first principles. In place of the sociopathic knights so ably brought to popular consciousness by Game of thrones, we have this bizarre gasbag, a billionaire drunk on pound-shop Nietzscheanism - him and his corrupt, cowardly and equally narcissistic friends.