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I've looked through the thread but probably can't see the wood for the trees. Why do the ICM polls seem to be the only ones giving May a double digit lead?
Methodology. Stronger weighting to older respondents and those who voted in 2015
 
I've looked through the thread but probably can't see the wood for the trees. Why do the ICM polls seem to be the only ones giving May a double digit lead?

Different companies use different weighting methods, and also sample demographics in different numbers.

Some weight more in favour of those who have historically been known to vote more consistently, which tends to be old people. Old people vote Tory by a considerable margin.

There are loads of things that go into weighting algorithms, including likelihood to vote, past voting record, age, etc. The best thing you can do is look at lots of polls, look at the poll of polls (which aggregates them all), and then disregard the whole lot to a large extent as you remember that FPTP renders polling percentages an almost impossible gauge of final seat outcome without doing further maths beyond most of us.
 
Different companies use different weighting methods, and also sample demographics in different numbers.

Some weight more in favour of those who have historically been known to vote more consistently, which tends to be old people. Old people vote Tory by a considerable margin.

There are loads of things that go into weighting algorithms, including likelihood to vote, past voting record, age, etc. The best thing you can do is look at lots of polls, look at the poll of polls (which aggregates them all), and then disregard the whole lot to a large extent as you remember that FPTP renders polling percentages an almost impossible gauge of final seat outcome without doing further maths beyond most of us.

So given we use a constituency based do these polls actually reflect the real result?
 
The FT have a poll of polls running. This one was updated today. If the current trend continues, and if the number of young people expected to vote is being underestimated, and if the number of old people expected to vote is being overestimated, and if there is a sudden surge of people switching from Tory to UKIP, and if there is a sudden surge of LibDem wankers switching to Labour, then maybe Labour will get ahead in the percentage game. Whether that would then translate into seats is another question.

Lots of ifs there.

UK Election FT Poll of Polls - 30 May.png
 
Methodology. Stronger weighting to older respondents and those who voted in 2015

It's bollocks that's what it is. They may as well give more weight to people who like to go for a stroll in the evenings, and less to those who can't successfully describe the pen or pencil typically used to mark ballot papers.
 
It's bollocks that's what it is. They may as well give more weight to people who like to go for a stroll in the evenings, and less to those who can't successfully describe the pen or pencil typically used to mark ballot papers.
they attempt to model it on how likely various groups are to actually vote. If you don't at least try to do that, your poll really will be worthless. It's all based on past performance, which gives the unknown quantity - dynamics change, and different groups become disillusioned and don't turn out at different times.
 
they attempt to model it on how likely various groups are to actually vote. If you don't at least try to do that, your poll really will be worthless. It's all based on past performance, which gives the unknown quantity - dynamics change, and different groups become disillusioned and don't turn out at different times.

It's just guessing. And it's not even based on past performance because it's a secret ballot so no one knows whether people who said they would vote in the last election actually did or who they voted for.

Just ask a properly selected sample who they are going to vote for if any, and leave it at that. I bet the trend from multiple such polls would be just as useful, of not more so, since each poll wouldn't have been differently affected by the application of a turnout model which is highly likely to be inaccurate.
 
Just because it hasn't happened recently doesn't mean it won't happen, and a turnout similar to 1992 doesn't seem far-fetched. Maybe I'm getting carried away by optimism and wishful thinking, part of my reason for thinking Labour can win is an intuitive sense of a huge gulf which has been stretched open to breaking point - it seems nobody in the media has been talking about dealing with landlords, rents, debts, and low wages but Corbyn. Toryland still even celebrates increasing house prices. I just have a gut feeling that a tipping point has been reached, and the growing generational and social gulf has led to an increasingly out of touch establishment who aren't able to see the monumental upset which is coming.

This is just my gut feeling though, I'm not going to bet a large amount of money on it or anything.


Either Ch4 news or Newsnight has a major debate between the generations tonight, sorry don't know which.
 
Latest Guardian ICM poll is out now from polling at the weekend, it's an example of how the figures can be skewed significantly by the weighting factors used.

The actual figures are 33% tory, 30% Labour, but the adjusted figures blow that difference up to 45% to 34%.

This is presumably because they've somehow managed to still get the 10/10 likely to vote under 25s at only 44%.

I suspect the difference in this figure to the survation figures is down to the wording of the question with the ICM poll prefacing the question with a more confusing and suggestive sentence than survation which is clearly about this election.

ICM
"QA. Some people have said they would not vote in a new General Election, while others have said they would vote. How certain is it that you would actually vote in a general election if it were to be held tomorrow? On a ten point scale where 10 means you would be absolutely certain to vote and 1 means you would be certain not to vote, how likely is it that you would cast your vote?"

Survation.
And how likely will you be to vote in an immediate General Election, on a scale of 1 to 10, where 10 means you would be absolutely certain to vote and 1 that you would be absolutely certain NOT to vote?
 
One other point in that poll is that it breaks the figures down into what's happening in the marginals.

In the key marginals that ICM poll has Labour winning vs the Tories by 4-5% in both Labour held and Tory held marginals in the unweighted version, but losing in both sets of marginals in the weighted version.

Basically highlighting that it's all to play for and which party can get their vote out the most in the marginals of really going to be the crucial factor.

I can't help thinking that the party with the 600k membership ought to be able to mobilise their vote better on the day than the party with 100k or so membership.
 
From Goodwin

DBFeF5UXgAAj2n_.jpg:large
 
They really need to target that UKIP vote with a 'On June the 8th, take back control - of your railways, NHS and public services' message. I vaguely recall from previous polling that rail nationalisation was more popular with UKIP voters than Labour ones.

I wonder if the UKIP redistribution is just seeing people going back to old allegiances, so labour gets a boost in safe labour seats and the Tories get back some of the blazer-wearing contingent in their safe southern strongholds.
 
I wonder if the UKIP redistribution is just seeing people going back to old allegiances, so labour gets a boost in safe labour seats and the Tories get back some of the blazer-wearing contingent in their safe southern strongholds.
I think they may well be doing this to an extent. Certainly graphs like the above suggest that Labour will be safer in seats such as Doncaster Central than has been suggested by some
 
I wonder if the UKIP redistribution is just seeing people going back to old allegiances, so labour gets a boost in safe labour seats and the Tories get back some of the blazer-wearing contingent in their safe southern strongholds.

That does appear to be the case. And if it is the Tories will struggle to win the seats in the midlands and the north they need for a landslide. Their assumption was that the UKIP vote would come over to them as they owned 'Brexit'. It still might of course.
 
That does appear to be the case. And if it is the Tories will struggle to win the seats in the midlands and the north they need for a landslide. Their assumption was that the UKIP vote would come over to them as they owned 'Brexit'. It still might of course.

Would be interesting to see the data on 2010 UKIP voters as well.
 
Times have a first overall projection from their YouGov figures and have tories 16 short of majority - labour increase seats from 229 to 257. Tories 310 from 330.
 
That does appear to be the case. And if it is the Tories will struggle to win the seats in the midlands and the north they need for a landslide. Their assumption was that the UKIP vote would come over to them as they owned 'Brexit'. It still might of course.
It may but as Labour have basically accepted it, a lot of the Labour->UKIP voters could well see no problem with returning whence they came
 
Weighting for demographics is fine, you want a representive sample.

It's when they start asking what newspaper you read it goes downhill.
 
happened in scotland in the last 5 years, and there are now far more people on the electoral roll than there have been for a long time there and in the rest of the country.
In a referendum about a single issue that was highly polarising. In contrast the turnout for the 2015 GE in Scotland was 71.1%, the 2016 Scottish Parliament elections 55.6% and the EU referendum turnout 67.2%.
 
Times have a first overall projection from their YouGov figures and have tories 16 short of majority - labour increase seats from 229 to 257. Tories 310 from 330.
At this rate I'm assuming that the vermin are putting in considerable efforts to defend the 5k majority in Hastings & Rye.
 
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