Methodology. Stronger weighting to older respondents and those who voted in 2015I've looked through the thread but probably can't see the wood for the trees. Why do the ICM polls seem to be the only ones giving May a double digit lead?
Methodology. Stronger weighting to older respondents and those who voted in 2015I've looked through the thread but probably can't see the wood for the trees. Why do the ICM polls seem to be the only ones giving May a double digit lead?
I've looked through the thread but probably can't see the wood for the trees. Why do the ICM polls seem to be the only ones giving May a double digit lead?
Different companies use different weighting methods, and also sample demographics in different numbers.
Some weight more in favour of those who have historically been known to vote more consistently, which tends to be old people. Old people vote Tory by a considerable margin.
There are loads of things that go into weighting algorithms, including likelihood to vote, past voting record, age, etc. The best thing you can do is look at lots of polls, look at the poll of polls (which aggregates them all), and then disregard the whole lot to a large extent as you remember that FPTP renders polling percentages an almost impossible gauge of final seat outcome without doing further maths beyond most of us.
Methodology. Stronger weighting to older respondents and those who voted in 2015
they attempt to model it on how likely various groups are to actually vote. If you don't at least try to do that, your poll really will be worthless. It's all based on past performance, which gives the unknown quantity - dynamics change, and different groups become disillusioned and don't turn out at different times.It's bollocks that's what it is. They may as well give more weight to people who like to go for a stroll in the evenings, and less to those who can't successfully describe the pen or pencil typically used to mark ballot papers.
they attempt to model it on how likely various groups are to actually vote. If you don't at least try to do that, your poll really will be worthless. It's all based on past performance, which gives the unknown quantity - dynamics change, and different groups become disillusioned and don't turn out at different times.
Just because it hasn't happened recently doesn't mean it won't happen, and a turnout similar to 1992 doesn't seem far-fetched. Maybe I'm getting carried away by optimism and wishful thinking, part of my reason for thinking Labour can win is an intuitive sense of a huge gulf which has been stretched open to breaking point - it seems nobody in the media has been talking about dealing with landlords, rents, debts, and low wages but Corbyn. Toryland still even celebrates increasing house prices. I just have a gut feeling that a tipping point has been reached, and the growing generational and social gulf has led to an increasingly out of touch establishment who aren't able to see the monumental upset which is coming.
This is just my gut feeling though, I'm not going to bet a large amount of money on it or anything.
From Goodwin
I think they may well be doing this to an extent. Certainly graphs like the above suggest that Labour will be safer in seats such as Doncaster Central than has been suggested by someI wonder if the UKIP redistribution is just seeing people going back to old allegiances, so labour gets a boost in safe labour seats and the Tories get back some of the blazer-wearing contingent in their safe southern strongholds.
I wonder if the UKIP redistribution is just seeing people going back to old allegiances, so labour gets a boost in safe labour seats and the Tories get back some of the blazer-wearing contingent in their safe southern strongholds.
That does appear to be the case. And if it is the Tories will struggle to win the seats in the midlands and the north they need for a landslide. Their assumption was that the UKIP vote would come over to them as they owned 'Brexit'. It still might of course.
It may but as Labour have basically accepted it, a lot of the Labour->UKIP voters could well see no problem with returning whence they cameThat does appear to be the case. And if it is the Tories will struggle to win the seats in the midlands and the north they need for a landslide. Their assumption was that the UKIP vote would come over to them as they owned 'Brexit'. It still might of course.
Silly question: that one just uses the raw data from each, yes?For those who don't like weighting.
Yep.Silly question: that one just uses the raw data from each, yes?
In a referendum about a single issue that was highly polarising. In contrast the turnout for the 2015 GE in Scotland was 71.1%, the 2016 Scottish Parliament elections 55.6% and the EU referendum turnout 67.2%.happened in scotland in the last 5 years, and there are now far more people on the electoral roll than there have been for a long time there and in the rest of the country.
At this rate I'm assuming that the vermin are putting in considerable efforts to defend the 5k majority in Hastings & Rye.Times have a first overall projection from their YouGov figures and have tories 16 short of majority - labour increase seats from 229 to 257. Tories 310 from 330.
Here's the headline numbers from the Times/YouGov thing
Any idea what's the score with the NI numbers there?
Here's the headline numbers from the Times/YouGov thing
Any idea what's the score with the NI numbers there?
Green / SDLP?Con = 310
Lab + SNP + PC = 310
Quite the hung parliament that would be!
Con = 310
Lab + SNP + PC = 310
Quite the hung parliament that would be!
It was 18 last time. They've made a mistake.Yeah, but add in the NI seats. Also does anyone have an inkling what the NI seat numbers mean here? Previously 8, now 18?