Well I’d certainly say socialism is achievable, hence arguing for it. That’s a curious impression for you to get re the SPGB, given that we point out the material basis is already present.
It is an understandable impression. SPGB don’t seem to have any clear analysis of how we get from here to there, nor any emphasis on bringing those conditions about.
You make a false distinction between what you term as the material and what you see as ideological – the economic and the ideas of socialism. Yet the ideas of socialism becoming mainstream will be a product of the material, surely.
The SPGB puts forward socialism as our aim, and give reasons for why we think it’s necessary, and what its implications would be in terms of how it benefits us both as a class and humanity in general.
The kind of Party-issued demands I object to are those which imply the continuation of the class system. E.g “a democractic socialist society run in the interests of the people, not the millionaires” implies there will still be millionaires. “For democratic public ownership of the major companies and banks…” implies there’s still banks; still money; still workers as a class.
Hence why I asked you and others for your views on the dictatorship of the proletariat. It is a big jump from now to communism, is it not?
To abolish the wage system we must first have the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Ok, so as an example, the demand to restore pensions to a previous level, which is certainly a possibility within capitalism …? I think it’s fine for people to campaign for that; but not the business of a Socialist Party to do so, even though many of us – not me! – are pensioners.
I don’t see how the SPGB rejects the notion of workers learning through struggle. Far from it, we know that such life experiences are crucial in whether or not a set of ideas becomes accepted and makes sense to our fellow workers.
I don’t see it as patronising; we don’t speak in euphemisms to those we engage with and I like to think we tell it straight. (Mind you, sometimes off the record we have been known to call folks ‘bigots’. Note to posterity – I jest. It’s a Gordon Brown ref)
The demand to restore pensions to a previous level is an immediate demand not a transitional demand. It is the business of a socialist party to seek improvements in the condition of the working class, both because participating in and encouraging struggle will spread the ideas of socialism and because it is in the interests of our class. I suspect we will never agree on this, but it is blatant abstentionism on your part.
You abstain from participating in the struggle as a socialist movement, that is categorical is it not?
The issue is that you don’t engage at all; nor do you make any attempt to make the ideas of socialism relevant to the majority.
Workers are engaged in the struggle all the time; whether they wish that to be towards socialism is where the battle of ideas comes into play, and as a Party we are engaged in that. I’m not sure how your point re previous revolutions is useful either, given that none of ‘em has brought us socialism ;>) But this does link to something later on …
So we cannot learn from previous revolutions? There are no lessons to be taken from failed attempts to impose socialism?
To achieve socialism first we must actually have a revolution, in whatever form that may take. It is simply silly to claim that socialists have no role to play in understanding how to create the conditions necessary for revolution; and to ensure that when a revolutionary situation arises the ideas of socialism are at the forefront.
And back onto misconceptions of the SPGB entrance exam! Briefly, as this has already been covered I think – we want members who are socialists and we want them to know what we are about.
I’m happy to accept that it’s not a case of one size fit all when it comes to the various groups and parties emanating out of the Leninist tradition, and we could spend all decade swapping quotes from the V.I. himself.
Well I will move away from the entrance exam – it is clear from Danny’s contributions that it isn’t all that effective anyway.
Indeed. It is about applying the ideas in order to analyse the present, not imposing the analysis of the past on to the here and now; it is undoubtedly true that parties from all traditions do not always grasp this. I’m not one for trading quotes back and forth anyway – ideas yes.
Although if you must:
(That one about "If Socialism can only be realized when the intellectual development of all the people permits it, then we shall not see Socialism for at least five hundred years...”)
Quite. An argument to propagate the ideas of socialism. Makes sense to me.
Certainly no great numbers ever have, but the future hasn’t happened yet. (Unless it’s on the internet somewhere). And we do push the case, (if not the face).
You’re right about the variation of class consciousness over time – but its translation into support for socialist ideas is not quite the same thing. Yes, I’d definitely agree that there used to be a much greater belief that collective action of varying kinds can improve our position as a class.
There used to be a greater belief, for e.g. that trade union struggle can yield benefits, which it can. An which opens up the question of why and how that’s become lost – the duplicity of leaders/the failures of reformism, the incessant demands of the market? etc.
And I’m sure that such awareness will inevitably rise again. No, I don’t reject the notion that the miners had a greater awareness of their class position during the strike than before. Far from it. Events impacted hugely in their consciousness, yes, but what is gained can sadly be lost. I’m not sure that many came to accept that the wages system needs to go. Or if they did, still hold to that belief.
Because it was ultimately a defeat, no? The point is that from such circumstances victories can arise; those victories can lead to revolution; and to a level of consciousness that is conducive to the spread of the ideas of socialism. There will always be a risk of defeat – but to run away from such struggles in fear of defeat is to preserve the status quo, isn’t it? And what does the status quo offer us as socialists? What does it offer the working class? Ironically the SPGB’s position appears to reinforce reformism; the preservation of the status quo.
Does ‘The Socialist’ actually raise the issue of replacing capitalism with a classless, moneyless, stateless society? It’s been a long time since I subscribed to it (briefly).
Don’t you talk about nationalising ‘this, that and the other’? I agree that the Big Aim needs to be made relevant, but don’t accept this means transitional demands are useful. And the Big Aim is acutely relevant here and now as to what’s going on in society.
The Socialist tends to focus primarily on immediate demands and transitional demands – in making our ideas relevant; in creating the conditions. Socialism Today develops these ideas, although with an emphasis still on the transitional and on contemporary analysis. They are, ultimately, propaganda in the true sense of the word. Our published propaganda material and the content of our meetings, schools etc are somewhat different - I suspect you may object to this as vanguard elitism, although I would counter that we actively seek to recruit; and that we don't seek to recruit socialists necessarily but those interested in socialist ideas; who then attend our meetings etc and learn and develop their own ideas. No tests.
But this brings us back round to how you get from here to there. You may argue that we place too much emphasis on the road to socialism and not socialism itself – but surely you can see the flip side is that you offer nothing in terms of how socialism is to be achieved. It is overtly unmaterialistic. It is no different from the position of the ra-ra-revolutionairies, who defer everything: “what are you going to do about attacks on the poor/anti-social behaviour/crime etc”; “after the revolution conrades”. Yes of course these are consequences of capitalism, but you must link the now to the then! Or you will be dismissed as irrelevant at best by the very people who's support is required.
Like so much else in these posts we can merrily go off on a billion (yet very relevant) tangents, and by the time we’ve finished typing, for all we know capitalism has fallen outside;>)
I don’t see it at all as utopian to argue now to my fellow workers that we need to put an end to the wages system. In fact, that task is urgent. How do we get from here to there – well, not without a large majority of people understanding and wanting socialism.
And back to square one. But how to get a large majority of people understanding and wanting socialism? If merely putting forward the case for socialism was enough, then we would have socialism. We don’t, for material reasons. We must demonstrate the benefits of socialism, tangibly.
The ballot box is one aspect of how this can come about. For us to ever be in the position where a large majority express their demand for socialism via the ballot box, implies that greater changes are taking place within society to progressively overcome the profit system.
That
is utopianism. Through the ballot box? We will never have socialism if that is the case. We do not abstain from electoral politics; but neither are we under any illusions about what is called democracy under capitalism.
Continued (blimey, think we're probably banging on a bit here)...