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George Monbiot on "Wales' unreported revolution"

But the poll tax and bin tax legislation had already been brought in; ergo the successful campaigns to beat the poll-tax and bin-tax were reforms to the existing legislation brought about through struggle from below.



By Liverpool 47 I meant the whole shebang - councillors and all. You say it failed; yet the houses were (and are) still standing, are they not? It was a 'failure' in that, after being subjected to multiple attacks from government and from the LP the council fell - but in terms of improving the lot of working people, it was an unmitigated success, was it not?

I'm not talking about the poll tax or bin tax I'm talking about the one previous to them which was called the Rating system based on the valuation of your property. The present Council Tax is similar but means tested.

Agreed the Liverpool councillors done a lot for the people of Liverpool but it did not involve any reforms, did it? Not by the standard of how reforms are understood. By that I mean campaigning for reforms through parliament. The way you are defining reforms is by lumping all campaign activity under the generic title of reforms.
 
I'm not talking about the poll tax or bin tax I'm talking about the one previous to them which was called the Rating system based on the valuation of your property. The present Council Tax is similar but means tested.

But why are you talking about this when the examples given were the poll tax and the bin tax?

Unless you think there is no significant difference between a tax on the property and a tax on each individual. There is a massively substantive difference

Agreed the Liverpool councillors done a lot for the people of Liverpool but it did not involve any reforms, did it? Not by the standard of how reforms are understood. By that I mean campaigning for reforms through parliament. The way you are defining reforms is by lumping all campaign activity under the generic title of reforms.

But the £30 million that Thatcher was forced into dishing out to Liverpool Council had to go through the legislature, did it not?

Anyway, it is ironic you put so much emphasis on the parliamentary process as proof of the corrupt reformism of the rest of the far left, when SPGB place so much emphasis on electoral politics - and electoral politics alone - rather than the more comprehensive position adopted by the remainder of the socialists. You also seem to have a somewhat narrow view of what reforms are and how they can be achieved. Shall we instead say 'improvements'?

It still strikes me as pedantry. They are both improvements in the conditions of the working class, and examples of when engaging in struggle has assisted the spread of socialist ideas.
 
But why are you talking about this when the examples given were the poll tax and the bin tax?

Unless you think there is no significant difference between a tax on the property and a tax on each individual. There is a massively substantive difference



But the £30 million that Thatcher was forced into dishing out to Liverpool Council had to go through the legislature, did it not?

Anyway, it is ironic you put so much emphasis on the parliamentary process as proof of the corrupt reformism of the rest of the far left, when SPGB place so much emphasis on electoral politics - and electoral politics alone - rather than the more comprehensive position adopted by the remainder of the socialists. You also seem to have a somewhat narrow view of what reforms are and how they can be achieved. Shall we instead say 'improvements'?

It still strikes me as pedantry. They are both improvements in the conditions of the working class, and examples of when engaging in struggle has assisted the spread of socialist ideas.

We have got our wires crossed, so I'll try and untangle them. Previous to the introduction of the Poll Tax we had a simple Rating System based on the valuation of your property. The rates collected stayed with the local authority to spend has they seen fit. On top of this central government provided funds for Capital Projects. The Poll Tax came along and was clearly ill thought out by placing the onus for all local expenditure, including Capital Projects onto the working class. Consequently, the workers played holy fuck (including myself) and the Poll Tax was repealed with the introduction of the Community Charge.

This was also found wanting and was also scrapped and followed by the Council Tax which in many respects is not dissimilar to the previous Rating System regarding the valuation of property. Nevertheless, it fails miserably to spread the burden of local taxation evenly with a weighted measure on the valuation of large properties and a low rate for businesses. This means proportionally the residents at the lower end of the property market pay more Council Tax in comparison to those at the higher end, besides subsidising businesses, which never happened under the Rating System.

That is what I meant by 'a reversal to the status quo'. Nothing has changed in many respects since the repeal of the Poll Tax, in fact I would argue the onus for local expenditure is still with the workers, for the whole of the Council Tax is payed to Central Government with some of it being returned to pay for the normal running of council business. But in respect of Capital Projects the local authority has to request and justify payment from central government. In this respect local autonomy has been taken away from the local authorities since the introduction of the 'Council Tax'.

So where are the actual 'improvements in the condition of the working class' you talk about? Things have got worse not better for the workers.
 
We have got our wires crossed, so I'll try and untangle them. Previous to the introduction of the Poll Tax we had a simple Rating System based on the valuation of your property. The rates collected stayed with the local authority to spend has they seen fit. On top of this central government provided funds for Capital Projects. The Poll Tax came along and was clearly ill thought out by placing the onus for all local expenditure, including Capital Projects onto the working class. Consequently, the workers played holy fuck (including myself) and the Poll Tax was repealed with the introduction of the Community Charge.

This was also found wanting and was also scrapped and followed by the Council Tax which in many respects is not dissimilar to the previous Rating System regarding the valuation of property. Nevertheless, it fails miserably to spread the burden of local taxation evenly with a weighted measure on the valuation of large properties and a low rate for businesses. This means proportionally the residents at the lower end of the property market pay more Council Tax in comparison to those at the higher end, besides subsidising businesses, which never happened under the Rating System.

That is what I meant by 'a reversal to the status quo'. Nothing has changed in many respects since the repeal of the Poll Tax, in fact I would argue the onus for local expenditure is still with the workers, for the whole of the Council Tax is payed to Central Government with some of it being returned to pay for the normal running of council business. But in respect of Capital Projects the local authority has to request and justify payment from central government. In this respect local autonomy has been taken away from the local authorities since the introduction of the 'Council Tax'.

So where are the actual 'improvements in the condition of the working class' you talk about? Things have got worse not better for the workers.

Granted but much better than the community charge, which was, at the time of the victory, existing legislation. It had already been enacted.

Sounds to me a lot like relativism GD. The poll-tax victory was a victory, which benefitted millions of working class people; in fact, all working class people in the UK. It was also a reform of the enacted legislation. And, whilst I am hesitant to brag it up for the obvious reason that the far left as a whole has failed to yet realise its potential, it was a struggle that Militant played a key role in by initiating the anti-poll tax federations and by leading (that dreaded word) the campaign to refuse to pay - both by theory and example. What is more, whilst in isolation such a struggle did not create the necessary conditions in and of itself, it shows the potential of such struggles as a mechanism, if you will, with which to create the necessary conditions.

The argument that more could have been achieved could be applied to virtually any struggle unless that struggle leads to socialism, which none of them have.

I do see what you are getting at but I don't think it is fair criticism. It was enacted legislation that was turned over from below to the benefit of tens of millions.

Without being petty, I don't see any evidence that SPGB have ever either 1) improved the lot of working people to the same degree within the existing capitalist system (which is fair enough, I suppose, accepting SPGB's stated case that this isn't their fight) or 2) made a contribution (albeit failed, if you wish to be cynical) of the same degree to bringing the ideas of socialism (or at least the conscious awareness of our place in the class system) to millions of people.

It is, of course, an abiding regret not just of Militant/SP/CWI but presumably of all socialists that this did not develop into either a revolutionary situation or give us a proper platform to enable us to do so in the future, so there is an element of missed opportunity. I do not wish to sound like I or anybody else is crowing about it.
 
How do you then view these conditions as coming about



It is mine. Read Marx, he'll tell you what a capitalist is.

Ok Here's some Marx.
"Trades Unions work well as centers of resistance against the encroachments of capital. They fail partially from an injudicious use of their power. They fail generally from limiting themselves to a guerilla war against the effects of the existing system, instead of simultaneously trying to change it, instead of using their organized forces as a lever for the final emancipation of the working class that is to say the ultimate abolition of the wages system".
And more
"At the same time, and quite apart from the general servitude involved in the wages system, the working class ought not to exaggerate to themselves the ultimate working of these everyday struggles. They ought not to forget that they are fighting with effects, but not with the causes of those effects; that they are retarding the downward movement, but not changing its direction; that they are applying palliatives, not curing the malady. They ought, therefore, not to be exclusively absorbed in these unavoidable guerilla fights incessantly springing up from the never ceasing encroachments of capital or changes of the market. They ought to understand that, with all the miseries it imposes upon them, the present system simultaneously engenders the material conditions and the social forms necessary for an economical reconstruction of society. Instead of the conservative motto: “A fair day's wage for a fair day's work!” they ought to inscribe on their banner the revolutionary watchword: “Abolition of the wages system!"
"Value Price and Profit" subtitled "An address to working men"

Over to you.
 
I appreciate SPGB are hostile to the various forms of Leninism and vangaurdism but you also appear to be hostile to classical Marxism.[/QUOTE]

This again
Trades Unions work well as centers of resistance against the encroachments of capital. They fail partially from an injudicious use of their power. They fail generally from limiting themselves to a guerilla war against the effects of the existing system, instead of simultaneously trying to change it, instead of using their organized forces as a lever for the final emancipation of the working class that is to say the ultimate abolition of the wages system.
And
At the same time, and quite apart from the general servitude involved in the wages system, the working class ought not to exaggerate to themselves the ultimate working of these everyday struggles. They ought not to forget that they are fighting with effects, but not with the causes of those effects; that they are retarding the downward movement, but not changing its direction; that they are applying palliatives, not curing the malady. They ought, therefore, not to be exclusively absorbed in these unavoidable guerrilla fights incessantly springing up from the never ceasing encroachments of capital or changes of the market. They ought to understand that, with all the miseries it imposes upon them, the present system simultaneously engenders the material conditions and the social forms necessary for an economical reconstruction of society. Instead of the conservative motto: “A fair day's wage for a fair day's work!” they ought to inscribe on their banner the revolutionary watchword: “Abolition of the wages system!"
This is Marx, London 1865 addressing the International Working Men's Association, the SPGB affirms the above and has taken the advice. I suppose this Means that Marx was at odds with "classical Marxism".
 
So you're not a marxist then. Ok.

You're a counter-revolutionary group by this analysis anyway.

Marx wasn't a "marxist" he was a Socialist,

"Trades Unions work well as centers of resistance against the encroachments of capital. They fail partially from an injudicious use of their power. They fail generally from limiting themselves to a guerilla war against the effects of the existing system, instead of simultaneously trying to change it, instead of using their organized forces as a lever for the final emancipation of the working class that is to say the ultimate abolition of the wages system".

"At the same time, and quite apart from the general servitude involved in the wages system, the working class ought not to exaggerate to themselves the ultimate working of these everyday struggles. They ought not to forget that they are fighting with effects, but not with the causes of those effects; that they are retarding the downward movement, but not changing its direction; that they are applying palliatives, not curing the malady. They ought, therefore, not to be exclusively absorbed in these unavoidable guerilla fights incessantly springing up from the never ceasing encroachments of capital or changes of the market. They ought to understand that, with all the miseries it imposes upon them, the present system simultaneously engenders the material conditions and the social forms necessary for an economical reconstruction of society. Instead of the conservative motto: “A fair day's wage for a fair day's work!” they ought to inscribe on their banner the revolutionary watchword: “Abolition of the wages system!"
 
Marx wasn't a "marxist" he was a Socialist,

That is as ridiculous as saying that Jesus wasn't a Christian because he was a Jew. Yes but he was also Jesus. Presumably he believed in himself.

Or do you suppose that Marx dismissed the entire body of his own work? Maybe he just spent his whole life living in abject poverty as he dedicated himself to his work for a bit of a larf, like.

And why have you quoted the same quotes three times? Well done, you found some quotes after a couple of days searching but we can all just read the first lot you know.

Now, pfbcarlisle and Gravediggers had turned this around by, you know, actually engaging in honest debate and attempting to respond to the specific criticisms in a friendly comradely manner. What possesses you to come along and fuck it up for them?
 
"Trades Unions work well as centers of resistance against the encroachments of capital. They fail partially from an injudicious use of their power. They fail generally from limiting themselves to a guerilla war against the effects of the existing system, instead of simultaneously trying to change it, instead of using their organized forces as a lever for the final emancipation of the working class that is to say the ultimate abolition of the wages system".

This is an argument for trade unions broadening themselves from being bodies who's sole function is to fight for immediate improvements for their members and the working class to becoming bodies that fight simultaneously for immediate improvements and for the transformation of society and the destruction of the system of capital.

Is corroborates the position the rest of us have been arguing for, not the abstentionist position of the SPGB.

You numpty.
 
"At the same time, and quite apart from the general servitude involved in the wages system, the working class ought not to exaggerate to themselves the ultimate working of these everyday struggles. They ought not to forget that they are fighting with effects, but not with the causes of those effects; that they are retarding the downward movement, but not changing its direction; that they are applying palliatives, not curing the malady. They ought, therefore, not to be exclusively absorbed in these unavoidable guerilla fights incessantly springing up from the never ceasing encroachments of capital or changes of the market. They ought to understand that, with all the miseries it imposes upon them, the present system simultaneously engenders the material conditions and the social forms necessary for an economical reconstruction of society. Instead of the conservative motto: “A fair day's wage for a fair day's work!” they ought to inscribe on their banner the revolutionary watchword: “Abolition of the wages system!"

Exclusively.

Again, this is not an argument for abstaining.

Well done for shooting yourself in the foot so comprehensively.
 
I suppose this Means that Marx was at odds with "classical Marxism".

In addition, as far as I'm aware the people who have been arguing with you on this thread subscribe to Leninism in various forms, not 'classical Marxism' ie the rejection of Leninism.

I believe it is SPGB who claim to subscribe to classical Marxism.

They really shouldn't let you off the Yahoo group my friend.
 
Granted but much better than the community charge, which was, at the time of the victory, existing legislation. It had already been enacted.

Sounds to me a lot like relativism GD. The poll-tax victory was a victory, which benefitted millions of working class people; in fact, all working class people in the UK. It was also a reform of the enacted legislation. And, whilst I am hesitant to brag it up for the obvious reason that the far left as a whole has failed to yet realise its potential, it was a struggle that Militant played a key role in by initiating the anti-poll tax federations and by leading (that dreaded word) the campaign to refuse to pay - both by theory and example. What is more, whilst in isolation such a struggle did not create the necessary conditions in and of itself, it shows the potential of such struggles as a mechanism, if you will, with which to create the necessary conditions.

The argument that more could have been achieved could be applied to virtually any struggle unless that struggle leads to socialism, which none of them have.

I do see what you are getting at but I don't think it is fair criticism. It was enacted legislation that was turned over from below to the benefit of tens of millions.

Without being petty, I don't see any evidence that SPGB have ever either 1) improved the lot of working people to the same degree within the existing capitalist system (which is fair enough, I suppose, accepting SPGB's stated case that this isn't their fight) or 2) made a contribution (albeit failed, if you wish to be cynical) of the same degree to bringing the ideas of socialism (or at least the conscious awareness of our place in the class system) to millions of people.

It is, of course, an abiding regret not just of Militant/SP/CWI but presumably of all socialists that this did not develop into either a revolutionary situation or give us a proper platform to enable us to do so in the future, so there is an element of missed opportunity. I do not wish to sound like I or anybody else is crowing about it.

OK for sake of argument I'll agree with you that the repeal of the Poll Tax was a victory for the working class, but also it was in reality a victory for a return to the status quo! I'm not arguing that more could have been achieved during the Anti-Poll Tax campaign. That is neither here no there on the matter we are debating. For the point at issue is how we define reforms and reformism.

You have made it quite clear that for you reforms and reformism is any political activity regardless of specifics which originates with the left. In effect campaigning for change and improvements but not directly petitioning the government for legislative reforms to be enacted. If this is not correct please provide further clarification.
 
OK for sake of argument I'll agree with you that the repeal of the Poll Tax was a victory for the working class, but also it was in reality a victory for a return to the status quo! I'm not arguing that more could have been achieved during the Anti-Poll Tax campaign. That is neither here no there on the matter we are debating. For the point at issue is how we define reforms and reformism.

You have made it quite clear that for you reforms and reformism is any political activity regardless of specifics which originates with the left. In effect campaigning for change and improvements but not directly petitioning the government for legislative reforms to be enacted. If this is not correct please provide further clarification.

Well actually it was you or a fellow SPGBer who chose to define everything as reforms or reformism - whereas I opted for the more accurate description of immediate improvements. But okay, for the sake of debate.

It still ignores the substantive point of the debate - which is, how to work towards socialism. I am yet to get any clarity on why abstentionism is, in fact, the right method to adopt despite the evidence to the contrary, both theoretical and practical.

You make the case that it was a victory for the status quo; indeed. Anything but actual, living, breathing socialism would be; and we don't live in a socialist world. But how, exactly, to achieve a socialist world - how best to propagate the need for socialism.

Through advocacy alone?
 
Well actually it was you or a fellow SPGBer who chose to define everything as reforms or reformism - whereas I opted for the more accurate description of immediate improvements. But okay, for the sake of debate.

It still ignores the substantive point of the debate - which is, how to work towards socialism. I am yet to get any clarity on why abstentionism is, in fact, the right method to adopt despite the evidence to the contrary, both theoretical and practical.

You make the case that it was a victory for the status quo; indeed. Anything but would be; and we don't live in a socialist world. But how, exactly, to achieve a socialist world - how best to propagate the need for socialism.

Through advocacy alone?

Would appreciate a description or definition of: "Actual, living, breathing socialism."
 
Given as the SPGB's entire raison d'etre is to educate the workers in the case for socialism, surely the onus lies on their contributors here to convince the doubters rather than the other way around.

So...giving you a nudge...

I'm not in a Party. I think communism is a good idea, but also think reforms are good.

Squeegies? What you say? Persuade me that your approach is correct.

Is this it?

Is this all you've got to put your case?

We would go along with you in so far to say that *some* reforms are good or to be more precise not all reforms are of benefit to the workers. Some prime examples of that are ID cards, anti-trade union laws, the restrictions on demonstrations, S&S, to name but a few.

Has I've stated previously, we judge reforms on their merits.
 
Nice to see you figured out the quote button though.

Oh, good timing :D
Hi PT,
Loads to get through ;>) I’m not whingeing Guv, but I wish we got paid by the hour for reading and writing these things, but so be it, I did sign up for it.
Sorry for the length of this post – if it’s better in future for me to send several shorter ones instead I can certainly do so. Not sure of netiquette on post length.

Your comments in quote marks -

“Only if you accept that socialism is not achievable which, without being deliberately provocative, is an impression I sometimes get from some socialist organisations, including SPGB and WSM.”

Well I’d certainly say socialism is achievable, hence arguing for it. That’s a curious impression for you to get re the SPGB, given that we point out the material basis is already present.

“It is not pointless to put forward demands that are achievable under socialism if our stated aim and objective is socialism. Or what is the point? That would be reformism, plain and simple.”

The SPGB puts forward socialism as our aim, and give reasons for why we think it’s necessary, and what its implications would be in terms of how it benefits us both as a class and humanity in general.

The kind of Party-issued demands I object to are those which imply the continuation of the class system. E.g “a democractic socialist society run in the interests of the people, not the millionaires” implies there will still be millionaires. “For democratic public ownership of the major companies and banks…” implies there’s still banks; still money; still workers as a class.

“To clarify, we do not put forward transitional demands as our immediate campaigns; we do not promise workers that we can achieve something here and now if we can only achieve it following the introduction of socialism.”

Ok, so as an example, the demand to restore pensions to a previous level, which is certainly a possibility within capitalism …? I think it’s fine for people to campaign for that; but not the business of a Socialist Party to do so, even though many of us – not me! – are pensioners.

I don’t see how the SPGB rejects the notion of workers learning through struggle. Far from it, we know that such life experiences are crucial in whether or not a set of ideas becomes accepted and makes sense to our fellow workers.

I don’t see it as patronising; we don’t speak in euphemisms to those we engage with and I like to think we tell it straight. (Mind you, sometimes off the record we have been known to call folks ‘bigots’. Note to posterity – I jest. It’s a Gordon Brown ref)

“Because the road to socialism (or any transformation for that matter) is through engaging working class people in the struggle for socialism; as every successful revolution has demonstrated. It would undoubtedly be simpler to sit back and take a more academic and less engaged position; it would, however, be ineffective.”

Workers are engaged in the struggle all the time; whether they wish that to be towards socialism is where the battle of ideas comes into play, and as a Party we are engaged in that. I’m not sure how your point re previous revolutions is useful either, given that none of ‘em has brought us socialism ;>) But this does link to something later on …

“But we are back on the misconceptions of what Leninism is; we do not advocate ourselves as 'special' (hence no entrance exams to 'prove our mettle' - we prove our mettle through activity and struggle); merely that we are conscious of the need for socialism; others may not yet be conscious of the need for socialism but through struggle they may become conscious of this need.”

And back onto misconceptions of the SPGB entrance exam! Briefly, as this has already been covered I think – we want members who are socialists and we want them to know what we are about.

I’m happy to accept that it’s not a case of one size fit all when it comes to the various groups and parties emanating out of the Leninist tradition, and we could spend all decade swapping quotes from the V.I. himself.

(That one about "If Socialism can only be realized when the intellectual development of all the people permits it, then we shall not see Socialism for at least five hundred years...”)

“But no great numbers ever will, will they? ABC. Even the utopians excepted that you must not just state your case but push your case.”

Certainly no great numbers ever have, but the future hasn’t happened yet. (Unless it’s on the internet somewhere). And we do push the case, (if not the face).

You’re right about the variation of class consciousness over time – but its translation into support for socialist ideas is not quite the same thing. Yes, I’d definitely agree that there used to be a much greater belief that collective action of varying kinds can improve our position as a class.

There used to be a greater belief, for e.g. that trade union struggle can yield benefits, which it can. An which opens up the question of why and how that’s become lost – the duplicity of leaders/the failures of reformism, the incessant demands of the market? etc.

And I’m sure that such awareness will inevitably rise again. No, I don’t reject the notion that the miners had a greater awareness of their class position during the strike than before. Far from it. Events impacted hugely in their consciousness, yes, but what is gained can sadly be lost. I’m not sure that many came to accept that the wages system needs to go. Or if they did, still hold to that belief.

“We raise the 'issue of replacing capitalism with a classless, moneyless, stateless society' from the off. A cursory glance at our literature or website would make this explicitly clear. However, we must make this relevant …”

Does ‘The Socialist’ actually raise the issue of replacing capitalism with a classless, moneyless, stateless society? It’s been a long time since I subscribed to it (briefly).

Don’t you talk about nationalising ‘this, that and the other’? I agree that the Big Aim needs to be made relevant, but don’t accept this means transitional demands are useful. And the Big Aim is acutely relevant here and now as to what’s going on in society.

“Indeed humanity has the material resources etc - but such a utopian view ignores the question of how we get from here to there. How is socialism to be achieved? The SPGB's position appears to be through the ballot box, albeit indirectly; that by participating in the electoral process alongside propagandising, at some future point a majority of workers will become aware of the need for socialism and will engage in the struggle for socialism. I would suggest, respectfully, that this is unscientific, and not based on any serious theoretical or material understanding.”

Like so much else in these posts we can merrily go off on a billion (yet very relevant) tangents, and by the time we’ve finished typing, for all we know capitalism has fallen outside;>)

I don’t see it at all as utopian to argue now to my fellow workers that we need to put an end to the wages system. In fact, that task is urgent. How do we get from here to there – well, not without a large majority of people understanding and wanting socialism.

The ballot box is one aspect of how this can come about. For us to ever be in the position where a large majority express their demand for socialism via the ballot box, implies that greater changes are taking place within society to progressively overcome the profit system.

To me, the transition from capitalism to socialism is taking place *within* capitalism; the role of socialists and the revolution is to finalise it in term of killing off capitalism. Certainly it ain’t likely to be the SPGB who brings about socialism, we have no illusions on that score, but it’s the class conscious majority etc.

“I was trying to get at how you would hope to go from point A - the here and now of capitalism - to point B - a "classless, moneyless, stateless society". ... For even with a revolution, the end product would not be a "classless, moneyless, stateless society". The revolution itself would merely be the starting pistol of the transformation of society; so how to defend the revolution from hostile forces?"

I think we have a different take on what ‘revolution’ means, and I disagree that the end product will NOT be a classless, moneyless, stateless society. Taking revolution to mean a ‘complete transformation’, when it comes to society and its economic basis it must mean a change from capitalism to communism (i.e. socialism, as Marx meant the same thing by these terms).

The problem seems to be that the DOTP has become associated with a distinctive type of society, rather than a political stage/phase. This links to the Leninist view that socialism and communism are two different things – itself based on an erroneous view of Marx’s ‘lower and higher phase’ comments.

My understanding is that in both cases, Marx was referring to a classless, moneyless, stateless society, but two different phases therein – the lower being the time at - and following - the revolution, and the higher being its more mature phase. Given the development of productive forces since Uncle Karl’s time this phase should be very short.

Yes, defend a revolution from hostile forces, but a revolution as the SPGB sees it means a large majority in favour of socialism – the bigger that is, the less trouble should be experienced.

Regards to Wrecsam and the mighty Crusaders RL.
 
pfb.

y'see the little box next to the quote function with a " and plus on it? Use that when you want to quote several different bits of several posts, and the quote for the last one. It'll do the quoting for you nicely then.
 
In addition, as far as I'm aware the people who have been arguing with you on this thread subscribe to Leninism in various forms, not 'classical Marxism' ie the rejection of Leninism.

I believe it is SPGB who claim to subscribe to classical Marxism.

They really shouldn't let you off the Yahoo group my friend.

I dunno PT.

I'm not a Leninist.

I'm pretty sure Butchers and Louis would take exception to that label too.
 
I dunno PT.

I'm not a Leninist.

I'm pretty sure Butchers and Louis would take exception to that label too.

Sorry, was thinking more of Dennis and myself when I posted that, just because that was who had taken the baton for the past few pages.

My sincerest apologies, of course.
 
Oh, good timing :D
Hi PT,
Loads to get through ;>) I’m not whingeing Guv, but I wish we got paid by the hour for reading and writing these things, but so be it, I did sign up for it.
Sorry for the length of this post – if it’s better in future for me to send several shorter ones instead I can certainly do so. Not sure of netiquette on post length.

Your comments in quote marks -

“Only if you accept that socialism is not achievable which, without being deliberately provocative, is an impression I sometimes get from some socialist organisations, including SPGB and WSM.”

Well I’d certainly say socialism is achievable, hence arguing for it. That’s a curious impression for you to get re the SPGB, given that we point out the material basis is already present.

“It is not pointless to put forward demands that are achievable under socialism if our stated aim and objective is socialism. Or what is the point? That would be reformism, plain and simple.”

The SPGB puts forward socialism as our aim, and give reasons for why we think it’s necessary, and what its implications would be in terms of how it benefits us both as a class and humanity in general.

The kind of Party-issued demands I object to are those which imply the continuation of the class system. E.g “a democractic socialist society run in the interests of the people, not the millionaires” implies there will still be millionaires. “For democratic public ownership of the major companies and banks…” implies there’s still banks; still money; still workers as a class.

“To clarify, we do not put forward transitional demands as our immediate campaigns; we do not promise workers that we can achieve something here and now if we can only achieve it following the introduction of socialism.”

Ok, so as an example, the demand to restore pensions to a previous level, which is certainly a possibility within capitalism …? I think it’s fine for people to campaign for that; but not the business of a Socialist Party to do so, even though many of us – not me! – are pensioners.

I don’t see how the SPGB rejects the notion of workers learning through struggle. Far from it, we know that such life experiences are crucial in whether or not a set of ideas becomes accepted and makes sense to our fellow workers.

I don’t see it as patronising; we don’t speak in euphemisms to those we engage with and I like to think we tell it straight. (Mind you, sometimes off the record we have been known to call folks ‘bigots’. Note to posterity – I jest. It’s a Gordon Brown ref)

“Because the road to socialism (or any transformation for that matter) is through engaging working class people in the struggle for socialism; as every successful revolution has demonstrated. It would undoubtedly be simpler to sit back and take a more academic and less engaged position; it would, however, be ineffective.”

Workers are engaged in the struggle all the time; whether they wish that to be towards socialism is where the battle of ideas comes into play, and as a Party we are engaged in that. I’m not sure how your point re previous revolutions is useful either, given that none of ‘em has brought us socialism ;>) But this does link to something later on …

“But we are back on the misconceptions of what Leninism is; we do not advocate ourselves as 'special' (hence no entrance exams to 'prove our mettle' - we prove our mettle through activity and struggle); merely that we are conscious of the need for socialism; others may not yet be conscious of the need for socialism but through struggle they may become conscious of this need.”

And back onto misconceptions of the SPGB entrance exam! Briefly, as this has already been covered I think – we want members who are socialists and we want them to know what we are about.

I’m happy to accept that it’s not a case of one size fit all when it comes to the various groups and parties emanating out of the Leninist tradition, and we could spend all decade swapping quotes from the V.I. himself.

(That one about "If Socialism can only be realized when the intellectual development of all the people permits it, then we shall not see Socialism for at least five hundred years...”)

“But no great numbers ever will, will they? ABC. Even the utopians excepted that you must not just state your case but push your case.”

Certainly no great numbers ever have, but the future hasn’t happened yet. (Unless it’s on the internet somewhere). And we do push the case, (if not the face).

You’re right about the variation of class consciousness over time – but its translation into support for socialist ideas is not quite the same thing. Yes, I’d definitely agree that there used to be a much greater belief that collective action of varying kinds can improve our position as a class.

There used to be a greater belief, for e.g. that trade union struggle can yield benefits, which it can. An which opens up the question of why and how that’s become lost – the duplicity of leaders/the failures of reformism, the incessant demands of the market? etc.

And I’m sure that such awareness will inevitably rise again. No, I don’t reject the notion that the miners had a greater awareness of their class position during the strike than before. Far from it. Events impacted hugely in their consciousness, yes, but what is gained can sadly be lost. I’m not sure that many came to accept that the wages system needs to go. Or if they did, still hold to that belief.

“We raise the 'issue of replacing capitalism with a classless, moneyless, stateless society' from the off. A cursory glance at our literature or website would make this explicitly clear. However, we must make this relevant …”

Does ‘The Socialist’ actually raise the issue of replacing capitalism with a classless, moneyless, stateless society? It’s been a long time since I subscribed to it (briefly).

Don’t you talk about nationalising ‘this, that and the other’? I agree that the Big Aim needs to be made relevant, but don’t accept this means transitional demands are useful. And the Big Aim is acutely relevant here and now as to what’s going on in society.

“Indeed humanity has the material resources etc - but such a utopian view ignores the question of how we get from here to there. How is socialism to be achieved? The SPGB's position appears to be through the ballot box, albeit indirectly; that by participating in the electoral process alongside propagandising, at some future point a majority of workers will become aware of the need for socialism and will engage in the struggle for socialism. I would suggest, respectfully, that this is unscientific, and not based on any serious theoretical or material understanding.”

Like so much else in these posts we can merrily go off on a billion (yet very relevant) tangents, and by the time we’ve finished typing, for all we know capitalism has fallen outside;>)

I don’t see it at all as utopian to argue now to my fellow workers that we need to put an end to the wages system. In fact, that task is urgent. How do we get from here to there – well, not without a large majority of people understanding and wanting socialism.

The ballot box is one aspect of how this can come about. For us to ever be in the position where a large majority express their demand for socialism via the ballot box, implies that greater changes are taking place within society to progressively overcome the profit system.

To me, the transition from capitalism to socialism is taking place *within* capitalism; the role of socialists and the revolution is to finalise it in term of killing off capitalism. Certainly it ain’t likely to be the SPGB who brings about socialism, we have no illusions on that score, but it’s the class conscious majority etc.

“I was trying to get at how you would hope to go from point A - the here and now of capitalism - to point B - a "classless, moneyless, stateless society". ... For even with a revolution, the end product would not be a "classless, moneyless, stateless society". The revolution itself would merely be the starting pistol of the transformation of society; so how to defend the revolution from hostile forces?"

I think we have a different take on what ‘revolution’ means, and I disagree that the end product will NOT be a classless, moneyless, stateless society. Taking revolution to mean a ‘complete transformation’, when it comes to society and its economic basis it must mean a change from capitalism to communism (i.e. socialism, as Marx meant the same thing by these terms).

The problem seems to be that the DOTP has become associated with a distinctive type of society, rather than a political stage/phase. This links to the Leninist view that socialism and communism are two different things – itself based on an erroneous view of Marx’s ‘lower and higher phase’ comments.

My understanding is that in both cases, Marx was referring to a classless, moneyless, stateless society, but two different phases therein – the lower being the time at - and following - the revolution, and the higher being its more mature phase. Given the development of productive forces since Uncle Karl’s time this phase should be very short.

Yes, defend a revolution from hostile forces, but a revolution as the SPGB sees it means a large majority in favour of socialism – the bigger that is, the less trouble should be experienced.

Regards to Wrecsam and the mighty Crusaders RL.

Crikey. Thanks - bit tired at the moment, so I will get back to you.

Not an egg-chaser myself, but I do follow the mighty Wrecsam so appreciated!
 
Sorry, was thinking more of Dennis and myself when I posted that, just because that was who had taken the baton for the past few pages.

My sincerest apologies, of course.

No apology needed.

In the meantime I await the SPGB's presentation of their case.
 
Socialism. In practice. As in, beyond the confines of a pamphlet.

You know, that thing we want.

Please stop trying to wiggle off the hook cos I'm not asking for a definition of socialism in practice or a blueprint. I'm aware that to provide such a description would be undemocratic and utopian.

The SPGB provide a definition in every publication:

The establishment of a system of society based on the common ownership and democratic control of the means and instruments for producing and distributing wealth by and in the interests of the whole community.

Is it possible that SPEW have a definition of a similar nature?
 
1. 'To secure for the workers by hand or by brain the full fruits of their industry and the most equitable distribution thereof that may be possible upon the basis of the common ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange, and the best obtainable system of popular administration and control of each industry or service.'

2. 'Socialism is defined as the rule of the working class.'

3. 'A world without exploitation, class divisions and oppression.'​

4. 'The only incentive governing production will be the satisfaction of human needs.
The goods which society produces will cease to be commodities; exchange-value will disappear and only use value will remain.
The present restricted framework hampering the process of production will become more and more socialised. Private ownership of the means of production, whether possessed on an individual basis as in laissez-faire capitalism or by the state as in decadent capitalism, will give way to the socialisation of the means of production. This will mean the end of all private property; the end of the existence of social classes and thus the end of all exploitation.'​

5. 'The establishment of a system of society based upon the common ownership and democratic control of the means and instruments for producing and distributing wealth by and in the interest of the whole community.'​


Louis MacNeice
 
This is an argument for trade unions broadening themselves from being bodies who's sole function is to fight for immediate improvements for their members and the working class to becoming bodies that fight simultaneously for immediate improvements and for the transformation of society and the destruction of the system of capital.

Is corroborates the position the rest of us have been arguing for, not the abstentionist position of the SPGB.

You numpty.

Exclusively.

Again, this is not an argument for abstaining.

Well done for shooting yourself in the foot so comprehensively.

So I'm a numty am I, a member UKIP last weekend called me "a Stalininst", but then again she was saying two things not one, you are and I'm not.
While we are calling people names I'd call Marx a socialist, I wouldn' call Jesus a christian I'd call him a hoax.
The SPGB is not a marxist organisation no, but it affirms Marx's analysis of capitalist society and the potential/power within the working class to transform it.
In the exerpt from Value Price and Profit, an address to working men
Marx urges the workers in Trades Unions to address not just the symptoms but the cause, they haven't, to abandon "the conservative motto , a fair days work for afair days pay and inscibe on their banners the abolition of the wages system". I know of only one political organisation in the uk who takes this advice seriously.
How is this abstaining?
And could you please explain how this is at variance to "classical marxism" or point me in the direction where I can find out.
 
'To secure for the workers by hand or by brain the full fruits of their industry and the most equitable distribution thereof that may be possible upon the basis of the common ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange, and the best obtainable system of popular administration and control of each industry or service.'

'Socialism is defined as the rule of the working class.'

'A world without exploitation, class divisions and oppression.'​

'The only incentive governing production will be the satisfaction of human needs.
The goods which society produces will cease to be commodities; exchange-value will disappear and only use value will remain.
The present restricted framework hampering the process of production will become more and more socialised. Private ownership of the means of production, whether possessed on an individual basis as in laissez-faire capitalism or by the state as in decadent capitalism, will give way to the socialisation of the means of production. This will mean the end of all private property; the end of the existence of social classes and thus the end of all exploitation.'​


Louis MacNeice

I'l gladly go along with that ,but I have a problem with the word "exchange".
Could you explain what's meant by it.
Thanks in advance.
 
Please stop trying to wiggle off the hook cos I'm not asking for a definition of socialism in practice or a blueprint. I'm aware that to provide such a description would be undemocratic and utopian.

The SPGB provide a definition in every publication:

The establishment of a system of society based on the common ownership and democratic control of the means and instruments for producing and distributing wealth by and in the interests of the whole community.

Is it possible that SPEW have a definition of a similar nature?

Lots of people have such definitions.

Louis MacNeice
 
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