Hey Proper Tidy,
Er, well, I *am* regarded with suspicion in our ranks.
I can imagine!
Well no offence old bean, but isn’t putting forth demands you know are not achievable within capitalism sort of pointless and, er, not telling the truth? Do we really have to rub our fellow worker noses in it? If it’s purpose is to enrage people at the State’s failure to play ball, thus leading them to want to go further and say ‘scrap it all – abolish the money system’, then I don’t see that being a likely outcome.
Only if you accept that socialism is not achievable which, without being deliberately provocative, is an impression I sometimes get from some socialist organisations, including SPGB and WSM. It is not pointless to put forward demands that
are achievable under socialism if our stated aim and objective
is socialism. Or what is the point? That would be reformism, plain and simple.
I fear we may be getting crossed wires at this point. To clarify, we do not put forward transitional demands as our immediate campaigns; we do not promise workers that we can achieve something here and now if we can only achieve it following the introduction of socialism.
The thing is, I’m not sure it’s possible to promote both immediate reforms and a revolutionary programme. I’d be concerned that immediate demands – by definition – are seen as more pressing and more practical to deal with, and that the bigger picture – what socialism is all about – gets shoved on to the backburner.
But, if I may, you have still failed to get to grasps with what we mean. By engaging in struggle workers educate themselves and broaden their own ambitions for, essentially, a better society; and alongside, as you would say, the propaganidsing of socialism. I do not reject the notion of, for want of a better way of phrasing it, educating workers. Conversely, for all the talk of not wanting to lead workers etc, the rejection of workers being able to learn through struggle and reach their own conclusions of the need for socialism - which is implicit in the SPGB's rejection of struggle as a party, whether you concede this or are even aware of it - is far more 'from above' and, frankly, patronising.
And why be so convoluted, with a 2 or is it 3 layered raft of demands? (Immediate, transitional, full-on revolution). Isn’t it simpler to pose the need for the abolition of the wages system from the start?
Because the road to socialism (or any transformation for that matter) is through engaging working class people in the struggle for socialism; as every successful revolution has demonstrated. It would undoubtedly be simpler to sit back and take a more academic and less engaged position; it would, however, be ineffective.
I’m a worker, I can grasp it – why not our fellows? I ain’t special, (no, really!), and bless your cotton socks neither are you, (oh, ok we’re ALL special), yet we declare ourselves ‘socialist’ no problem. Did you have to go through a 2-3 stage induction programme to become a socialist? (For my part, I got abducted by Impossiblists and forced to grow a beard until I gave in and joined)
But we are back on the misconceptions of what Leninism is; we do not advocate ourselves as 'special' (hence no entrance exams to 'prove our mettle' - we prove our mettle through activity and struggle); merely that we are conscious of the need for socialism; others may not yet be conscious of the need for socialism but through struggle they may become conscious of this need. Evidence of our rejection of the oft-alleged elitism of Leninism can be seen in our willingness to engage in broader alliances; electorally, in the unions, in communities.
And as part of the working class ourselves, isn’t self-organisation what is needed, not a benign Party offering to do it for us?
Quite - but this is a misrepresentation of our position. I refer you to the earlier point. The only difference between one of 'us', within the party, and the average worker, is that they may not necessarily be conscious of the need for socialism. Our aim is to instill this consciousness, not to lead the workers from above - the same as yourselves. Our differences come from how best to achieve this aim, not that we see different conclusions.
We prefer a doormat approach – ‘we are here, use us if you wish’.
But no great numbers ever will, will they? ABC. Even the utopians excepted that you must not just state your case but push your case.
By itself the winning of support for Trotskyism doesn’t imply a greater understanding of / and demand for socialism as I’d define it. Various Trotskyist groups and non-Trot ones have had much greater support in the past but I don’t see that we were nearer to socialism then than we are now.
You reject the idea that at times in the past we have possessed a greater class awareness of class struggle and the class warfare being waged from above? I find this a curious statement. Do you reject the notion, for example, that Miners engaged in struggle during the Miners strike were more aware than previously of their position within capitalist society and the inherent unfairness of this; and therefore both more receptive and more self-aware of the need for a fundamental transformation of society? This would seem to fly in face of any material analysis of society.
But again I must ask why not pose socialism itself rather than ‘transitional demands’? At what stage do you think it’s appropriate to raise the issue of replacing capitalism with a classless, moneyless, stateless society – world of free access etc?
But we do. We raise the 'issue of replacing capitalism with a classless, moneyless, stateless society' from the off. A cursory glance at our literature or website would make this explicitly clear. However, we must make this relevant to the current understanding and consciousness of workers - and this is one of the roles of transitional demands; to link the need for struggle now to the need for socialism as a replacement for capitalism; and to make the need for socialism relevant in a material, rather than an abstract, sense.
Given that humanity has the material resources, and technology already in place, such a call is the only necessary immediate one.
Indeed humanity has the material resources etc - but such a utopian view ignores the question of
how we get from here to there. How is socialism to be achieved? The SPGB's position appears to be through the ballot box, albeit indirectly; that by participating in the electoral process alongside propagandising, at some future point a majority of workers will become aware of the need for socialism and will engage in the struggle for socialism. I would suggest, respectfully, that this is unscientific, and not based on any serious theoretical or material understanding. Our position differs - our aim is to provide workers with the means and tools with which to bring socialism into being - I would refer you to the exert above.
Crikey Charlie, I’ll be here til Christmas ;>) Well, we don’t go in for many ‘official positions’ as such, but I’ll look into after my injections. Back tomorrow.
Maybe it is a bit deep. I was trying to get at how you would hope to go from point A - the here and now of capitalism - to point B - a "classless, moneyless, stateless society". Presumably you must have a theoretical framework in mind, and presumably based upon Marxian theory. For even with a revolution, the end product would not be a "classless, moneyless, stateless society". The revolution itself would merely be the starting pistol of the transformation of society; so how to defend the revolution from hostile forces?