This is a very good short interview with Vanessa Bealy a British investigative journalist who has just returned from Allepo.
You'd think from this piece that Iran hadn't successfully set up shop in Lebanon decades ago. It's the bit in between that was their problem. What's actually changed is Iraqi collaboration with Iran as our reconstructed Shia Baghdad shares Iranian concerns over a Sunni revanche in Syria. The Syrian revolt besides that is a minor complication and Aleppo is almost an irrelevance were it not were the revolt can be broken....
Securing Aleppo would be an important leg in the corridor, which would run past two villages to the north that have historically been in Shia hands. From there, a senior Syrian official, and Iraqi officials in Baghdad, said it would run towards the outskirts of Syria’s fourth city, Homs, then move north through the Alawite heartland of Syria, which a year of Russian airpower has again made safe for Assad. Iran’s hard-won road ends at the port of Latakia, which has remained firmly in regime hands throughout the war.
Ali Khedery, who advised all US ambassadors to Iraq and four commanders of Centcom in 2003-11 said securing a Mediterranean link would be seen as a strategic triumph in Iran. “It signifies the consolidation of Iran’s control over Iraq and the Levant, which in turn confirms their hegemonic regional ambitions,” he said. “That should trouble every western leader and our regional allies because this will further embolden Iran to continue expanding, likely into the Gulf countries next, a goal they have explicitly and repeatedly articulated. Why should we expect them to stop if they’ve been at the casino, doubling their money over and over again, for a decade?”
Well that's partly nonsense, there were some surrenders of besieged places but the Southern front was quite lively until Jordan stopped supporting efforts to topple Assad. I recall at least one pretty disastrous Iranian offensive down Deraa way not so long ago. The Saudis were pretty hopeful that they could organise a thrust at Damascus from the South but the Russians entry into theatre and killing of JaI head Alloush quashed all hope of that. It's only gone quiet since then with a number of regime victories and lots of rebel infighting.
Assad is notorious for reneging on ceasefire terms often breaking pragmatic agreements brokered by the Russians and Iranians. They have far higher levels of trust from the rebels than the Syrian government. The regime's allies are just as ruthless but not as stupidly vindictive as that's just bad tactics. Several sieges that were essentially starved out found the starving went on after surrender. Daraya recently was entirely emptied out with the population dumped into Idlib. Fighting aged males who don't get being bussed out as part of surrender terms are liable to end up hanging from the ceiling with dislocated shoulders which tends to toughen the will to resistance rather than break it. This is what the Baathist state is like. Syrian intelligence methodically persecuting even relatives of rebels isn't new, from the Lund article above:
And these days Bashar actually has little control over NDF militias that methodically loot vacated property and prey on IDPs mercilessly. SAA officers get rich hoarding food and selling it at inflated prices in the camps while moaning about the NDF guys getting all the best spoils. He can't even guarantee people fleeing sieges safety because that is often down to the whim of a predatory local warlord.
In Chechnya the Russian state was remarkably brutal but they were also wise enough to eventually offer conciliatory incentives to a population mashed into a pulp by the big stick which led to some reconciliation. It will never happen under Assad, he's weak and terrified of looking weak.
In The Guardian Amid Syrian chaos, Iran’s game plan emerges: a path to the Mediterranean
You'd think from this piece that Iran hadn't successfully set up shop in Lebanon decades ago. It's the bit in between that was their problem. What's actually changed is Iraqi collaboration with Iran as our reconstructed Shia Baghdad shares Iranian concerns over a Sunni revanche in Syria. The Syrian revolt besides that is a minor complication and Aleppo is almost an irrelevance were it not were the revolt can be broken.
Turkey uncharacteristically quiet on the pounding of the East Aleppo pocket....
Russia, meanwhile, knows the constraints and priorities of the two rivals in northern Syria. For Turkey, the priority is to prevent the PYD from connecting its cantons in the north and to fight the Islamic State. The regime factors later in Turkey’s calculations today. Crucially, Turkey also finds itself in a new reality where it has to maintain a level of calm with Russia, especially as the two countries work to improve their bilateral relations.
For the United States, the priorities continue to be the Islamic State and Jabhat Fatah al-Sham. Russia’s operations are concentrated in the north, where the front’s influence is mostly concentrated. This means that if the U.S. wants to fight Jabhat Fatah al-Sham, it has to reach a deeper understanding with Russia than the existing deconfliction procedures that exist in eastern and northeastern Syria, where the regime has little to no presence.
Russia finds itself in an optimal position of leverage against the only two countries that can make a substantive difference for the rebels in northern Syria. Both the United States and Turkey have clear priorities that do not involve the regime and their hands are tied by the need to maintain a certain balance with Russia. This new reality opens new possibilities for the Russian involvement in Syria unconceivable some months ago.
Jihadist is a very vague term that can apply to all Muslims at war, Shia Iraqi militias are also Jihadists. About a third to a half of the revolt is ideologically Salafist, and yes this includes hard fighting Salafi-Jihadis of the sort we are so scared of. The rest is largely typical Syrian Sunni Muslims of different degrees of laxity. It's deceptive as a Jihadi complete with big beard is what a Muslim revolutionary usually looks like.It's not a Sunni revanche, it's a jihadist one . Allepo has long been a Baathist stronghold. It's population is overwhelmingly Sunni . The Syrian Army is mostly Sunni . Sunni tribes and militias from one end of the country to the other are dedicated to the Syrian cause . Assad has way, way more Sunni loyalists than the entire Alawite population combined . Shia barely make up 2 % of the Syrian population .
It's not even a Syrian revolt . There's every jihadist bastard under the sun running about there. From China to Indonesia, Chechnya to Somalia . Funded and armed by western and gulf states . The jihadists happen to be Sunni . That in turn doesn't mean it's a Sunni revolt .
This snip is rather revealing....
Echoing the arguments for accountability in the book, “A Problem From Hell,” Kerry last week publicly called for Russia and Syria to be investigated for war crimes for the targeted killing of civilians and wanton destruction in Aleppo and beyond.
On Friday, Moscow described Kerry’s call as “propaganda” and repeated its assertion that the United States, by failing to separate rebel forces from the targetable terrorists it insists control Aleppo, is to blame for the failure of the cease-fire.
According to international-law experts, however, the likelihood of a war crimes prosecution of either country is virtually nonexistent. Neither Russia nor Syria belongs to the treaty-based International Criminal Court, and a referral to its jurisdiction would require a resolution by the U.N. Security Council, a body in which Russia holds a veto. At the same time, both the ICC and the International Court of Justice, the United Nations’ judicial branch, are designed to prosecute individuals rather than states.
“The law of war crimes is individual and personal,” said Kenneth Anderson, a law professor at American University.
“Talk of war crimes trials by itself is not serious,” Anderson said. “It’s an evasion of policy by a state that does not want to have to respond to the concerted actions of another state, another two states.”
Syrian PKK pretty much ground to a halt. I doubt they have many illusions about the US sticking with them once victory is declared over IS; Turkey is a NATO ally and just too important. If that victory proves as hollow as last time in Iraq the US may end up looking to the PKK as a holding force in a chaotic Syria again. It would be prudent for the US to work hard on Ankara-PKK relations....
“The Islamic State’s territorial losses since July are relatively modest in scale, but unprecedented in their strategic significance”, said Columb Strack, senior analyst and head of the IHS Conflict Monitor. “The loss of direct road access to cross-border smuggling routes into Turkey severely restricts the group’s ability to recruit new fighters from abroad, while the Iraqi government is poised to launch its offensive on Mosul.”
The Islamic State’s losses in Syria over the last three months have been concentrated in northern Aleppo province, where Turkish proxy groups have pushed the jihadists back to around 10km from the border with Turkey. In Iraq, government forces have secured Qayyarah Airbase in Iraq’s Nineveh province, a critical staging area for the anticipated offensive to liberate Mosul.
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Huge drop in fighting between Syrian Democratic Forces and Islamic State
Turkey’s intervention in northern Syria has stalled the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) operations against the Islamic State, which led to the liberation of Manbij in August. IHS Conflict Monitor recorded an 87 percent drop in the volume of fighting between the SDF and the Islamic State from August to September.
“There is deep underlying competition between the Kurdish-dominated SDF and Turkey’s Sunni proxies over their conflicting ambitions for Syria’s future,” Strack said. “For the time being, the US is cooperating with both, but once the Islamic State has been defeated as a conventional force, Washington will have to pick a side.”
Given Turkey’s vehement stance against Syria’s Kurds, US support for them is more likely to be sacrificed the report said. “The Kurds know that support from the US may dry up,” Strack said. “They will be looking for assurances from the US on their plans for federal governance as a precondition for their involvement in any offensive on Raqqa.”
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PoliSci wonk Lynch tossing about the intervention argument....
Faced with the horrors of the last few years and the recent signal atrocity in Aleppo, decent people naturally want something to be done and bridle at the suggestion that it cannot be. But ethical analysis cannot avoid rigorous analysis of consequences. Only the most naive interventionists would argue for acting on moral grounds if the policy had no chance of succeeding. Policy proposals are typically put forward to demonstrate that some option exists to dosomething in the face of evil, even if the prospects of success are low.
Framing the argument about American intervention as one between morality and pragmatism is ultimately misleading. The real argument is not over the moral calculus of action. What gives the Syria intervention argument such intensity and broad resonance is a deeper contention over the value placed on American involvement in the war for its own sake. Advocates of intervention believe, for a variety of reasons, that the United States and the world would be better served were the American military involved more directly in Syria. Opponents do not.
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My bold, well obviously that's to deal with the risk of IS developing a Blue Water Navy.Three Russians warships, including two armed with long-range land-attack cruise missiles, have been sent to the Mediterranean.
Russia's TASS news agency reported on 5 October that the Black Sea Fleet's Buyan-M class corvettes Serpukhov and Zelyony Dol had left their home port of Sevastopol on 4 October and were en route to the Mediterranean.
A day later TASS reported that the Nanuchka-III class (Project 1234) missile corvetteMirazh had sailed from Sevastopol for the Mediterranean.
"In the Mediterranean Sea, the Serpukhov and Zelyony Dol are set to join the permanent operational task force in the distant maritime zone on a planned rotational basis," TASS quoted Russian Black Sea Fleet spokesman Nikolai Voskresensky as saying.
The Russian Navy has maintained a task group off Syria since September 2015.
Turkish ship observers confirmed the southbound passage of Serpukhov and Zelyony Dol , with photographs of them passing through the Bosphorus appearing on social media on 5 October.
Commissioned in December 2015, the two Buyan-Ms operated in the Eastern Mediterranean for just over a month from mid-August and carried out a strike against targets in Syria on 19 August using Kalibr NK cruise missiles. The missiles have a range of more than 1,500 km.
Mirazh does not have land-attack missiles, but is normally armed with P-120 Malakhit (SS-N-9 'Siren') anti-ship missiles.
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I thought 'carrier group' was more pithy.On IHS Janes Russia sends cruise missile ships to Mediterranean
My bold, well obviously that's to deal with the risk of IS developing a Blue Water Navy.
Jihadist is a very vague term that can apply to all Muslims at war, Shia Iraqi militias are also Jihadists. About a third to a half of the revolt is ideologically Salafist, and yes this includes hard fighting Salafi-Jihadis of the sort we are so scared of. The rest is largely typical Syrian Sunni Muslims of different degrees of laxity. It's deceptive as a Jihadi complete with big beard is what a Muslim revolutionary usually looks like.
Looked at from Shia Baghdad the risings in Syria are a Sunni revanche. It's exactly how these risings were seen in the GCC press even after IS emerged in Iraq. The Syrian regime worked hard to cast the rising in this light as well as its core support is in Syria's minorities and they've long been paranoid about Sunni pogroms. Syria has a history of outbreaks of violent sectarian strife. Balanche who mines the demographic changes see both sides as pretty sectarian.
From what polling I've seen it's quite possible Bashar is the single most popular leader in the country but he's also justifiably hated by a majority of Syrians. You could compare this to Iraq where 14% of Iraqis were Baath Party members and the cult of Saddam was strong while he had a Stasi like grip on the place. The revolt is fragmented and isn't that popular either but tends to lose all support when it stops fighting Assad and turns on the likes of IS. The Salafi-Jihadi elements are plainly pretty popular in places. I suspect more Syrians loath all the combatants than are partisans of them.
There are Sunni worshippers of the Assad Clan who would burn the country for Bashar but they are a minority. That Bashar still pressgangs unwilling Sunni youth into his awful army as cannon fodder isn't a sign of wide support amongst Sunni just heavy handed Baathist oppression. The fact Alawites dominate its kleptocratic officer corps far more than they did before the revolt rather reflects the reality that Sunni led units can't really be trusted by a regime that poses as secular. The mafia like NDF militias that have emerged at the expense of the SAA are heavily sectarian and sometimes Khomeinist. That the relatively well equipped SAA often runs away discarding kit, fights so poorly in Bashar's cause and must rely on heavily on foreign allies in the offensive has a lot to do with its demographics.
Urban Aleppo was an area of regime support. Unsurprising, it was rich and heavily subsidised. Bashar deliberately purchased the loyalty of many in the Sunni elite and focused funding on the big commercial centres like Aleppo while neglecting the sticks his father had cared for. The Sunni middle classes were often badly payed state employees and in general they didn't much care for Bashar's trickle down economics. That incompetent attempt at reform, that may owe something to his years in the Tory heading toward New Labour UK, really is the seed of the revolt, it has an element of class war. The risings happen in the more neglected provinces. Better off Aleppo largely failed to rise though there were protests in the university area. As around Mosul the slums and back country on the other hand had an awful lot of highly conservative Sunni and Salafi. Impatient with the urbanites they brought the revolt into the Old City after about a year. I've read it's not an entirely comfortable presence with sophisticated city folk grating against alien Salafi.
However half, over a hundred thousand, Syrians seem willing to endure the siege of East Aleppo with the Beards rather than flee into Bashar's arms according to Lund's article above. You might call that voting with your feet or neck. I'm reminded of the stubborn support for Hamas in heavily bombed Gaza in which IAF bombs only seem to grow their support.
And that about sums it up from what I've read in general, all the actors are seen as somewhat malign if you sample all Syrians....
The poll, which surveyed a cross section of 1,365 people across all of Syria’s 14 governorates - including areas controlled by IS - also suggested that Syrian President Bashar al-Assad was slightly more popular among ordinary Syrians that any of the opposition groups - though no one was ranked as having a net positive influence.
"It's very, very regional - if you look into the actual data it differs massively by region," Johnny Heald, managing director of ORB International, told Middle East Eye.
"At the moment, it's fair to say the opposition in Syria isn't as strong as it used to be. It's split right down the middle. It's been infiltrated by all kinds of militias - so Assad in certain sectors of society is the preferred option, but in others, absolutely not."
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During the Arab Spring Baghdad also released a lot of prisoners who'd go on to join the rising. This is absolutely typical of what a state does when faced with growing popular protests....
Salafists and Jihadists
Regardless of how liberal and reform minded were the masses who made up the opposition at the beginning of the uprising, those who make up the armed groups today are largely Salafists and Jihadists. They control the battlefield. The Syrian state has long been accused of releasing Islamists from its prisons in an effort to achieve precisely this outcome. While such accusations are impossible to dismiss wholesale, it is important to recall that one of the early and consistent demands of the opposition was for the release of political prisoners. And who were those prisoners? The vast majority were Islamists. The Muslim Brotherhood had long been the central enemy of the Baathist regime. Liberals were inconsequential and presented little threat to Assad’s Syria. The vast majority of the political prisoners brought before the security courts and convicted to lengthy prison terms were jihadists and those returning from Iraq or who preached against the regime in surreptitious dawa circles. Leading up to the events of Daraa in 2011, Damascus had for decades charged Islamists with long sentences, often seven years, in prisons such as Sednaya.
The release of prisoners
As the crisis first unfolded in Daraa, Sheikh Sayasneh was invited to Damascus in an attempt by the authorities to de-escalate the situation. One of the key demands of the cleric was the release of prisoners, the majority of whom were Islamists. This pattern was often repeated throughout the early phase of the crisis. The U.N mediator took up this demand. He too requested the release of prisoners as a trust building measure. While many in the opposition are convinced that the release of people like Zahran Alloush was engineered by Damascus to help radicalize the opposition, the truth is probably more nuanced. The Syrian State was desperately trying to stop the uprising through both using a stick (swift response against protestors) and a carrot (release of prisoners when urged). While one may still debate this argument and claim that the government’s secret intent was to turn the uprising into an jihad, the fact is that what Damascus sees today are insurgents and Islamist armed groups who want nothing less than to destroy the Syrian State and replace it with a state designed to conform to Sharia. They call it “more Islamist in identity”.
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Mitchell, advised by former British military officials and supported by the former CIA director David Petraeus, has been arguing for a no-fly zone for many months. In recent weeks some of Mitchell’s advisers have developed this proposal into a call to track Russian jets from UK warships off the coast of Syria, and for a complete no-fly zone for Syrian helicopters over civilian areas. It has been argued that Syrian helicopters are doing all the damage with chemical, napalm and high explosive barrel bombs. One proposal has been to bomb air runways.
On the bleak prospect for Damascus ever establishing a firm grip on Eastern Syria....
Though there are virtually no more nomads in today’s Syria, the people of eastern Syria’s towns and cities are proud of their tribal heritage and frequently refer to aspects of their tribe in explaining their political behavior. This has been especially true since the beginning of the uprising in 2011. The different protagonists in the east—which includes the Deir al-Zor, Raqqa, and Al-Hassakeh governorates—have appealed to tribal identities to motivate inhabitants to join their cause, and the traditional leaders of tribes have often claimed that their entire tribe was behind them in declaring their allegiance to the opposition or the regime.
However, the reality was frequently quite different. Members of the same tribe often found themselves on opposite sides of the Syrian conflict, and even the traditional leaders of the same tribe could be seen taking contrary positions—some supporting the regime in Damascus, others opposition circles in Turkey. This was due to the fact that, among Syrian tribes, localized identities—relating to neighborhood, village, or town—have often prevailed over broader tribal solidarities in determining actions on the ground.
Such a process of localization was already unfolding before the Syrian conflict began in 2011, though the war only accentuated it. This has allowed the regime, radical Islamic groups, the Kurds, and members of tribes themselves without leadership roles in their formal tribal structures, to advance their agendas within tribal communities.
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Well that's how IS often absorbed Syrian groups including members of AQ....
Ahrar Al Sham accused the group before of collaborating with ISIL, but it still did not fight it until Jund Al Aqsa started to advance militarily in Hama. The direct trigger of the latest clashes was Jund Al Aqsa’s takeover of a town in southern Idlib.
Even though Ahrar Al Sham accused Jund Al Aqsa of being an ISIL enterprise, it pointed only to some members as ISIL-type "extremists" – deliberately chosen to legitimise its war. Similar accusations are often levelled against Ahrar Al Sham itself. If Ahrar Al Sham views the existence of ISIL-type extremists within a group’s ranks as a cause of attacking it, it puts itself and its defenders in an awkward position, as the group has many of that type. Some of them left the group last month following an approval of their participation in the Turkish-backed operation.
In the same vein, if those extremists have now joined JFS, will Ahrar Al Sham cease to cooperate with a group that has them in its ranks? Ahrar Al Sham has already accused JFS of providing protection to ISIL-type extremists, echoing a similar accusation against JFS’s former incarnation, Jabhat Al Nusra, when it protected ISIL during the rebels’ clashes with ISIL in January 2014. Syrian activists point to a similar pattern. The episode might increase tension between JFS and Ahrar Al Sham and weaken the rebels militarily. But it also offers an insight into what lies ahead for Ahrar Al Sham, especially with regard to JFS’s attempt to co-opt it.
Ahrar Al Sham has hinted that it seeks to dissolve Jund Al Aqsa, rather than to eradicate it. After reports that the latter joined JFS, Ahrar Al Sham rejected the wholesale allegiance and demanded instead that members not involved in the bloodletting could join JFS as individuals, not as a group.
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Yes, the runways those helicopters really need to take off.
By the way there is an emergency meeting today in Parliament about what to do about the crisis in Aleppo and how to stop Russian airstrikes. See this: Emergency debate: Humanitarian catastrophe in Aleppo and Syria - News from Parliament
I bet there is. Yemen not so much.
This is a smart piece, reckons what Russia wants in Syria is lots of jaw jaw but only a very small war aimed at destroying the moderate opposition....
In late August, Reuters told us that fighting in Aleppo exposed the “limits of Russian airpower,” and a few days later The New York Times explained how Syrian forces made their gains in that siege thanks to Russian help. This results in great stories but poor analysis. I offer a different perspective on why the ceasefire collapsed and what it tells us about the Russian intervention. Essentially, Russia got caught selling something they did not have — Assad’s agreement to a ceasefire before the Syrian Arab Army subdued Aleppo — and U.S. Secretary of State Kerry accidentally trapped them by conceding to a grand deal sooner than Moscow expected.
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Well I assume Kerry thinks supervised elections could be held as they were in Egypt when the MB to took power. Egypt also has a tradition of despots winning 90%+ of the vote that was recently revived. Of course cynicism is appropriate in Syria were everything in civic life is bent....
Guess who denounced Bashar Assad’s multi-candidate race in 2014: Secretary Kerry. He called the Syrian election “meaningless” and “a great big zero.” Why Kerry thinks a new Syrian election under Assad would be any more meaningful than the last one is a mystery.
Considering how many of Assad’s opponents have been murdered or exiled, it’s hard to imagine that the results of a new election could accurately represent the will of the Syrian people.
One should always be cautious about comparing current leaders or events to the Nazis or the Holocaust.
But the Syrian elections issue raises questions that may warrant a Hitler analogy.
Adolf Hitler’s Nazi Party won a plurality of 33% in the November 1932 election, which resulted in the coalition bargaining that brought Hitler to power in January.
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