This is very long, but a good friend just wrote it on the subject being discussed here, and I think it's a very thoughtful and useful contribution, so here ya go (posted with their permission)...
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When Picasso painted his depiction of the victims of the bombing of the Spanish town of Guernica in the civil war he poured onto the canvas his anger and humanity. Now rage and compassion are not enough. The Spanish people were defeated and subjected to decades of dictatorship because working class militants were mostly forced to abide by Stalin's policies of collaboration with the 'democratic' bourgeoisie.
So cool heads must prevail and discussions must be held to try to see how the working class can act over Ukraine. The discussion must be comradely and self critical since no-one around at present has shown that they have got clear answers. But, having said all this, if we are not filled with rage right now, moved by compassion, then nothing we say or do will amount to much and it will not find the necessary connection with the working class around us.
Virtually every person I meet as I go to the shops, catch a bus etc is talking about Ukraine and they are Angry and despairing. A man I met yesterday, who never usually talks politics, said first thing, 'Why can't someone get in and assassinate Putin?' and another person asked 'Why Doesn't NATO bomb that convoy outside Kiev?'
Some 'revolutionaries' will be horrified at the request for NATO to bomb. They will explain about NATO's own imperialism. For me this man's request is the kernel of the future wrapped in the shell of the present. Inside his plea is his feeling of common humanity and, given the total absence of a working class response to Ukraine, he sees no other way to prevent further massacres. And, sadly, he is right.
Across the world Governments are being forced to change their policies everyday because of this popular outrage. Even the Para Olympic committee has to do an about turn in 24 hours. Football manager say that winning matches is not as important as supporting Ukraine.
This is one of those very rare moments of upheaval in public thinking and we are trying to catch up with it or, in some cases , failing to even recognise what is happening and the possible opportunities for action. This huge swell of popular feeling, largely devoid of jingoism, erupts but of course can only find articulation in forms that ultimately cannot provide a way out and which governments will seek to turn to their own interests.
It is the job of working class militants to try to find ways to turn this outburst into something that can rebuild working class internationalism. As so often happens these days, the working class acts within a cross class movement. Militants have to find how to develop an independent working class action. But if you don't share and are not motivated by this widespread anger the 'militant' will just go about his routine as if nothing much is happening. They will only see the conformist 'shell' of public anger and not the radical 'kernel'.
In the last piece I wrote I asked the rhetorical question, 'What would you do if you were in Ukraine, pick up a gun or what?' But I raised this in relation to my proposal that we try to start a campaign of solidarity. I wish I hadn't asked the question because it has given rise to a discussion completely separated from the question of what to do. Now this might be a useful discussion but we are not in Ukraine and it's not our urgent question. The question for us is what do we do? It's only within this discussion that the other one might be useful.
In the responses to my question about what you would do if you were in Ukraine there is the suggestion that the best thing to do would be get out. Live to fight another day. Preserve your revolutionary outlook. Yes, in moments of great defeat the revolutionaries may have no other option but to try and get away.
This was also said to me in relation to the war in Bosnia – the only thing to do would be get out. Two reasons this is wrong. First a practical one. I helped translate a biography of a man who lived in a town that got ethnically cleansed. He and two mates stayed hidden in an outhouse. For three months they survived surrounded by ethnic cleansers, living on food in a freezer but eventually the electricity failed and the food rotted. They had to make a run for it and managed to get to a nearby town which was also under control of the ethnic cleansers but his brother in law was chief of police who hid them in his garden shed. But they were living on borrowed time and so over the coming months they, and several other people similarly trapped, tried to cross over the border. All of them were killed apart from the author who finally made it to Germany.
And he was alone. Imagine you have a wife and kids or elderly parents?
My second objection to this 'get out' perspective was that within the free territories of Bosnia there was every opportunity for a militant to conduct socialist activity. The working class, emerging from 40 years of Stalinism, was very confused but certainly a real presence within the war. Why would you want to get out? And likewise in Ukraine. I'm only going over this question, which I've said is a secondary concern, because I think this 'get out' attitude feeds into how we act as militants here in the UK. Doesn't it morph into an attitude that nothing can really be done in the present situation.
Doesn't the rather individualistic approach of 'get out' and survive to fight another day, by implication, deny the right of the mass of people trapped in the cities to 'live and fight' another day, unless they surrender. Surrender to what? Organise and continue working class struggles under the occupier?
I don't want to get into another great area of pointless speculation about what's the best outcome for the Ukrainian working class, but if you think there might be better circumstances to organise the working class post defeat than in the present defence, then just look at Chechnya or Alleppo or above all, the Donbass. Yes there is nothing glorious about the emergence of the gun, whoever is in control of it. The gun is always, in one way or another, a disaster for workers, even when they have to take it up and direct it. It's always the barbarism of dying capital. And the Donbass is a good example of this. The men with the gun rule and there and, I'm told, enforce slave labour, Every Ukrainian knows this and it is partly what underpins their resistance.
But we are not in Ukraine, it's not our decision to stay and fight or not. But that is what people have done and now we have to help them. The resistance in Ukraine has no clear radical perspective but is there nothing within the Ukrainian defence with which we can identify? Is it all flag waving and patriotic shouting led by the bourgeoisie who want to defend their property and right to make money. Is it all just about NATO expansionism? Are all workers there just passive objects of the schemes of capitalists and nationalists? I don't know Ukraine society at all, but on the radio I hear over and over their call for the defence of democracy and freedom. Of course the Western 'revolutionaries' will sneer at this. Don't you know that western democracy is just the dictatorship of capital and the fight of Amazon to exploit you? Don't you know that the 'west' welcomes you to join the reserve army of labour, to fill the ranks of low paid workers?
TBC...