Prigozhin mutiny tests Wagner resilience in Africa
Moscow is attempting to rein in a mercenary force sustained by a robust business model and outside sources of funding
DAVID PILLING — LONDON
ANDRES SCHIPANI — NAIROBI
AANU ADEOYE — LAGOS
SAMER AL-ATRUSH — DUBAI
For years, Yevgeny Prigozhin’s Wagner Group has been the main vehicle of Russia’s power projection in Africa, engaging in military, mining and propaganda activities from Libya and Sudan to Mali and Mozambique.
If Moscow is able to follow through on its threat to disband Wagner after Prigozhin’s aborted mutiny, the question is what will happen to the mercenary group’s extensive African operations.
For Faustin-Archange Touadéra, president of Central African Republic, who owes his survival to Wagner mercenaries after they put down a coup attempt in 2020, that is down to Moscow. Fidèle Gouandjika, an adviser to Touadéra, said Wagner’s “instructors” came with Russia’s blessing.
“If Moscow decides to withdraw them and send us the Beethovens or the Mozarts rather than Wagners, we will have them,” he said.
Wagner has played a pivotal role in some conflicts and has drawn funding from a mix of sources but remains heavily dependent on Russian state backing, not least for logistical support.
“The monster will evolve but it will not die,” said Nathalia Dukhan, senior author of Architects of Terror, a report published on Tuesday by The Sentry, an investigative group, on Wagner in CAR.
The Kremlin has said Wagner’s activities in Africa will continue, but while it is seeking to take control of the group and its weapons in Russia and Ukraine, it has not indicated how it wishes to deal with its African operations.
Wagner has in five years given Moscow quick and cheap influence in Africa, experts said. It has also given the Kremlin plausible deniability for Wagner’s actions including election interference, disinformation campaigns in several countries and alleged massacres.
Despite Vladimir Putin’s claim on Tuesday that Russia “completely financed” Wagner, in Africa, where it has thousands of personnel, the group has funding sources beyond Moscow.
In CAR and other countries, Wagner operates a business model involving military violence and control of gold and diamond mines, Dukhan said. The model was resilient. “A virus survives. It will adapt to the new environment.”
In Libya, Wagner’s deployment was previously financed by the United Arab Emirates, according to the Pentagon, and also by Khalifa Haftar, the warlord who hired the group to fight alongside his forces in 2019. Western officials said the UAE funding dried up in 2021.
One western official said Wagner could continue its operations while looking for other means to arm itself, but Russian logistical backing would be hard to replace. Wagner has used Russian military bases and aircraft to transport everything from arms to personnel.
Charles Bouessel, a senior consultant with Crisis Group on CAR, said he could not see how Wagner could continue its African operations, which employ thousands, without Moscow’s approval.
“Wagner relies heavily on Russian defence ministry logistics for the delivery of military equipment,” he said. “Wagner will have trouble operating in the long term without this support.”
Samuel Ramani, author of the book Russia in Africa, said Prigozhin could head for Africa if he is unable to stay in Belarus as stipulated in his truce with Putin. “He could pop up in Sudan or in CAR as a medium-term destination.
“Prigozhin wanted to become the face and driver of Russia’s policy in Africa,” Ramani said. But Wagner’s Africa operations could survive without Prigozhin since it had ties to the GRU intelligence and was run by military veterans. Its operations could also be taken over by other private military companies (PMCs), such as the one run by Gazprom, Ramani added.
Sergei Lavrov, Russia’s foreign minister, on Monday promised continuity. “In addition to relations with this PMC, the governments of CAR and Mali have offi-cial contacts with our leadership,” he said “At their request, several hundred soldiers are working in CAR as instruc-tors. This work will continue.”
Diplomats in CAR said there had been no obvious change since Prigozhin’s rebellion and that senior Wagner figures remained in Bangui, the capital.
In Mali, where the military government’s deployment of Wagner since 2021 has received support from the heavily censored media, online newspaper Mali Actu wrote that events around Prigozhin were causing anxiety.
“Malians fear that recent events in Russia will affect the operations of the Wagner Group on their soil and generate new uncertainties regarding national security,” it said.
Mali is expelling Minusma UN peace-keepers, increasing Bamako’s reliance on Wagner to fight a jihadi insurgency that has raged since 2012. “If [Wagner] pulled out, then the Malians would have a problem,” said a western diplomat.
In Libya, Prigozhin’s forces have had a tense relationship with the Russian military. While they helped provide a foot-hold in a country with Africa’s largest proven oil reserves, Russian officials had expressed frustration that Prigozhin, particularly his political operations, had complicated ties with Tripoli.
Up to 2,000 Wagner mercenaries were beaten back in 2020 by Turkish forces in Libya but Wagner still emerged with control of two air bases that it used as a hub for its Mali deployment.
Wagner’s resilience has been tested before. When Russia invaded Ukraine last February, analysts said, some fighters were pulled out of Africa for the assault. Yet Dukhan said its activities in CAR may have intensified. Wagner has trained militias and rebuilt its Russian fighting force, she said. Last August, CAR told the UN it anticipated receiving a further 3,000 Russian “instructors”, potentially adding to the roughly 1,500 who diplomats and defence officials estimate are now in the country.
Two diplomatic sources said Russian flights to CAR had been more frequent in recent weeks, suggesting an increase in arms shipments. Some weaponry might be headed for Sudan, where Wag-ner has links with Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, whose paramilitary forces are fighting the regular army, said diplo-mats. Dagalo admits his troops were trained by Wagner but denies continuing ties. “They are not reducing their operation in CAR,” said Dukhan. “They are increasing it and they are planning to grow more.”