30 to 40 years of swimming in a neoliberal sea mean that many take it for granted that the basic philosophy of neoliberalism is synonymous with freedom and good moral fibre. When you argue for even the smallest step towards centralisation or wealth redistribution, you are competing with these ingrained assumptions. This was Thatcher's great triumph.
Most of my friends who work in middle management or professional roles have no intent to accumulate wealth or power away from the disenfranchised but they react even to concepts such as rent controls (that affect them not one jot as they are neither tenant nor landlord) as if Stalin himself had come back from the dead. That's because they provide a challenge to the inherent neoliberal narrative of society.
If Ed Milliband could be viewed as a socialist, how does this middle Englander view Corbyn?
The important thing to realise is that none of that is helped by having a Labour leader to the right of Corbyn. In fact, the succession of Kinnock, Blair, Brown and Milliband actually simply reinforced that the neoliberal narrative is the right one and so helped to prevent future Labour governments once the Tories had managed to throw off their socially hard right shackles.
The only way to achieve anything is to accept that maybe Corbyn can't win but is still the best choice anyway. Society changes only once certain ideas take hold and that only happens once the window of acceptable debate is driven towards those ideas. One side chasing the middle ground does nothing but shift the middle ground itself. Only once left-leaning ideas are seen as natural rather than extreme will it be realistic for a left-leaning party to be elected.
I agree with this, as obviously do a lot of other posters from the likes. It gets to the dilemma of electoral politics - do you develop policies and a stance aimed simply at winning an election or is there an electoral route to win with what you actually believe in (in this case perhaps a left social democratic position). But if you are going to try and do that - essentially, to win the election after next - it still contains all the contradictions of electoral politics, even more so as you are trying to shift the terms of debate, consensus, what is possible, call it what you like. At one level, there's doing struggle, which is immediate and involves social forces, fighting round issues that affect people in their lives and then there's electoral politics which may overlap, but always has an endpoint of a general election. It also, necessarily, involves all the dispiriting and time consuming stuff of responding to media attacks (much more than this, an active media
strategy), a heavy focus on manoeuvres in parliament and the like. It's hard to keep the left position when the polls show it isn't working and your life gets sucked into the Westminster village.
I don't support Labour and so it's not something I really want to happen, but it's seemed to me that one way to start linking the party into actual struggle is to move beyond Westminster, open the party structure up, essentially to think about becoming a 'movement'. And as a social democratic party rather than socialist/transformatory party, there would be plenty of scope for that extending beyond traditional Labour towns, the labour movement - to have a rather fuzzy view of class . That itself is a mechanism/channel of communication to start shifting the consensus or at least to normalise more radical ideas beyond neo-liberalism. Again, I'd rather see people involved in struggle - and class politics full stop - than what would still be jump leads on the chest of social democracy. Ironically, the betrayals of the right, through to the potential departure of most of the Parliamentary party, might make this more likely to happen. I don't think it
will happen, so far Corbyn has shown himself still trapped in the mindset of Labourism. He still seems to think the route to the working class is via the unions and Labour Party itself. But he might be left in a position where he has to be a bit more creative.