Lots of left leaning and vaguely liberal people I know who a few years ago supported the EU and even britain adopting the euro are saying they don't know how they'll vote in the referendum.
What referendum?
The one about britain leaving the eu.
Lots of left leaning and vaguely liberal people I know who a few years ago supported the EU and even britain adopting the euro are saying they don't know how they'll vote in the referendum.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/new...ron-working-time-directive-eu-referendum.html
Well if this gets through then the argument that EU helps protect our rights will be shown to be utter bollocks.
I'm in that camp.Lots of left leaning and vaguely liberal people I know who a few years ago supported the EU and even britain adopting the euro are saying they don't know how they'll vote in the referendum.
Scroungers should have voted for austerity if they didn't want to be destroyed.
Go and play with your toys now, the adults are talking
Go and play with your toys now, the adults are talking
edit: apologies Humberto, took that as a serious post! ha
I'm in that camp.
What they're doing in Greece now changes everything. The EU was supposed to be committed to solidarity between nations, that's even written into the constitution. What they're doing now, and what they've already done has shown that this no longer applies, it's now every country for themselves, if any country hits major problems then fuck them, kick them while they're down, asset strip them and force them out. Fuck that.
If I were Tsipras right about now I'd overturn the table, maybe punch a couple of fuckers and repudiate all the debt.
The content of the pro-SYRIZA vote had characteristics similar to those of that particular cycle of struggle: it was at the same time a class-oriented vote, but also a nationalist and populist one. The ideological surface of SYRIZA’s calls for “national unity” under the “first ever left-wing government” was concocted to underline its electoral victory, and occluded its attempt to express class interests and social relations which were in profound conflict. In essence, it took it upon itself to reconstitute the state as political mediator in times of crisis, ultimately aiming to achieve a temporary social peace.
(...)In order to achieve this, it had to gamble on (and win at a considerable level) the support of workers and unemployed people, as well as on the support of parts of local capital as well as larger fractions of capital. Additionally, it was required to integrate a part of PASOK’s state bureaucracy and political establishment (together with its weakened patronage network), but also to ensure the co-operation of the ‘deep state’ bureaucratic and clientelist mechanisms, by exploiting the willingness of ANEL to form the coalition government. In this way it aimed at the continuity of the state both as a mediator of class interests and as political form.
There should be no more doubt that the SYRIZA-ANEL coalition is just a continuation of the politics of capitalist restructuring. This doesn’t mean that its approach on administration is identical to the administration of ND and PASOK. First, SYRIZA was willing to make some concessions ensuring civil rights and free up some political space on its left, as long as this didn’t question the core of capitalist restructuring.
(...)Secondly, SYRIZA tried to handle the situation not in terms of a ‘state of emergency’ and mass repression as its predecessors did, but aiming towards social consensus through a discourse of “humanitarian crisis management”. At the same time, it cultivated a public profile of ‘tough negotiator’ in EU bodies, even if at the same time it was gradually retreating in negotiations; inside Greece and abroad it was following a “promises for all” tactics by gambling on EU stability and supposed initiatives for finding political alternatives.
But whether the developments that follow lead to new elections and subsequent implementation of the EU’s strict memorandum or a ‘lighter’ memorandum enforced by the existing government, the game seems to be lost for capitalist normalcy and social stability. The queues in front of ATMs, the lack of liquidity and the widespread panic is not going to disappear as if by magic. The question posed to us is urgent: how do we manage to survive and keep sane at the same time? How do we stand collectively in the streets next to each other?
There is a number of pressing class and social tasks to which we must respond to immediately, in an organized and collective way, so that fear and (state or diffused) brutality won’t answer first on our behalf. First, we must find a way to ensure we get paid our working wages, claiming what is owned to us directly from our bosses, without accepting any pretenses. Second, we must work to ensure a default from below, so that we do not pay a single euro (or a drachma or a ruble) for telephone, electricity, rent, transportation and healthcare bills.
Third, we must find a collective way to cover the lack of drugs and essential supplies, to impose to bosses their free distribution on supermarkets and pharmacies. Finally, we have to take advantage of the wealth of our social relations to create (or expand already existing) communication and debate networks, empower assemblies in spatial and temporal terms, thus, to achieve real communities of sharing and struggle. We have to support each other, to find direct collective ways to meet our needs, before these needs crush us.
Though I'd have to say that what we're seeing with Greece does perhaps undermine some of Negri/Harry's 'pyramid' of "monarchy, oligarchy & democracy" concept.
No, we disagree more fundamentally than that. I think that the Greeks must oppose this because I think that tyranny must be opposed.
I give up.
Negri (& Hardt)'s exploration of the ancient genealogy of their (post-modern) Empire referenced Polybius.That's Aristotle, not Negri. Those who oppose oligarchy have much to learn from the Stagirite.
Negri (& Hardt)'s exploration of the ancient genealogy of their (post-modern) Empire referenced Polybius.
I recall a six-and-a-half month strike that closed all banks in Ireland in 1970 which was meant to have similarly calamitous results as predicted for Greece today, but in fact had very little destructive impact. Contrary to expectations, Irish people rapidly found other ways of carrying out the functions previously performed by the banking industry. The economist Michael Fogarty, who wrote the official report on the bank dispute, was quoted by the Irish Independent as saying that “the services of the clearing banks proved by no means as indispensable as would have been expected before the dispute”. Others take the example of the Irish bank strike as evidence that much of what banks do is a “socially useless activity”.
Me too. I support various elements of the European project, and really think that the UK is better off in overall, but it will be very difficult to vote 'yes' now given this debacle, particularly the behaviour of Germany.I'm in that camp.
What they're doing in Greece now changes everything. The EU was supposed to be committed to solidarity between nations, that's even written into the constitution. What they're doing now, and what they've already done has shown that this no longer applies, it's now every country for themselves, if any country hits major problems then fuck them, kick them while they're down, asset strip them and force them out. Fuck that.