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Greek elections

Any evidence of the left of syriza trying to put focus/support/rally/etc the people outside of the parties to respond to this? Any evidence of social movement doing it aside from the parties? That's where any hope lies here.

Does this count? Taken from shitebook:

A Fresh No Tonight, But A Continuation Of Last Week's Also

“Rally for the No side this evening — various different forces calling it — in Syntagma Square, central Athens…”

I wrote those words precisely seven days ago before heading out to the mega Oxi rally. Remember that?

Heading off now to Propylaia and then to march to join others in Syntagma, outside the parliament, once again.

In advance of last week’s rally, I cautioned, “Please do not over-read the size of it and so on.”

The same again tonight. Last week the movement which delivered the referendum victory was huge indeed. It had within its driving force various poles.

They stretched from the anti-capitalist left through to the cabinet and prime minister. Whether Alexis Tsipras wanted that 61 percent result or not – and at times earlier in the week there were good grounds for thinking he did not – is secondary.

From Wednesday to Friday he helped funnel the No tide, which after the rally and his speech last week flooded into the cafes and living rooms of even the most remote hamlet in Greece.

Now that movement is divided. It is not divided among the base of its radical activists. They remain overwhelmingly for a radical break with austerity and against the French “petit austerity” which Athens has signed up to in the hope that it will fill the maw of Merkel and the bankers.

There are debates on tactics on the radical left. But that is not the big divide. Only the childish or simple-minded – and reckless – would see in those honest debates a longed for further bloody schism on the left.

It is a division between those who favour capitulation and those who are prepared to fight. We don’t yet know the balance between the two.

The very fact that Tsipras and the cabinet have divided the movement means naturally that tonight will not be as last week.

Its tone will be different, I anticipate. Harder and angrier. But when we all shared the stories and commentary on Sunday night following the victory, didn’t we all say to one another that we would have to build on the success quickly because the next round was coming – harder and more bitter?

What is the purpose of demonstrating and rallying tonight?

To rally is a military term: “to bring into order again; gather and organise or inspire anew”. That’s the aim.

And to show – to de-mon-strate – the pole of the radical left, united in purpose and action.

There we may also listen to one another and from there take the tactics and arguments we discover to be effective into the wider layers of the working class and popular Greece.

All this while the parliament deliberates. And in advance of the theatre of blood, which will be the “negotiations” in Brussels tomorrow and Sunday.

This week marks a beginning, and an end.

Last Sunday marked the beginning of new sequence of struggle. Thursday marked the end of an approach to dealing with a mortal enemy – European capitalism and its institutions – with the kind of tactical improvisation in want of a strategy, which has characterised the government. But not the radical left in and outside of Syriza.

They take strategic questions facing our movement seriously. So seriously that we constantly check ourselves reality and in permanent debate between different perspectives.

Different, but united in the battle.

So – between things ended and things begun.

Walt Whitman - and the title of the opening chapter of my book, which I’ve just finished revising.
 
I'm thinking a wee bit beyond that point. . .
I'm being a bit slow on the uptake here...I think.

Are you sort of suggesting that the euro-bankers have already decided Greece is out? And that Tsipras (now) knows this and is actually cementing the "we was pushed" meme?
 
Does this count? Taken from shitebook:

A Fresh No Tonight, But A Continuation Of Last Week's Also

“Rally for the No side this evening — various different forces calling it — in Syntagma Square, central Athens…”

I wrote those words precisely seven days ago before heading out to the mega Oxi rally. Remember that?

Heading off now to Propylaia and then to march to join others in Syntagma, outside the parliament, once again.

In advance of last week’s rally, I cautioned, “Please do not over-read the size of it and so on.”

The same again tonight. Last week the movement which delivered the referendum victory was huge indeed. It had within its driving force various poles.

They stretched from the anti-capitalist left through to the cabinet and prime minister. Whether Alexis Tsipras wanted that 61 percent result or not – and at times earlier in the week there were good grounds for thinking he did not – is secondary.

From Wednesday to Friday he helped funnel the No tide, which after the rally and his speech last week flooded into the cafes and living rooms of even the most remote hamlet in Greece.

Now that movement is divided. It is not divided among the base of its radical activists. They remain overwhelmingly for a radical break with austerity and against the French “petit austerity” which Athens has signed up to in the hope that it will fill the maw of Merkel and the bankers.

There are debates on tactics on the radical left. But that is not the big divide. Only the childish or simple-minded – and reckless – would see in those honest debates a longed for further bloody schism on the left.

It is a division between those who favour capitulation and those who are prepared to fight. We don’t yet know the balance between the two.

The very fact that Tsipras and the cabinet have divided the movement means naturally that tonight will not be as last week.

Its tone will be different, I anticipate. Harder and angrier. But when we all shared the stories and commentary on Sunday night following the victory, didn’t we all say to one another that we would have to build on the success quickly because the next round was coming – harder and more bitter?

What is the purpose of demonstrating and rallying tonight?

To rally is a military term: “to bring into order again; gather and organise or inspire anew”. That’s the aim.

And to show – to de-mon-strate – the pole of the radical left, united in purpose and action.

There we may also listen to one another and from there take the tactics and arguments we discover to be effective into the wider layers of the working class and popular Greece.

All this while the parliament deliberates. And in advance of the theatre of blood, which will be the “negotiations” in Brussels tomorrow and Sunday.

This week marks a beginning, and an end.

Last Sunday marked the beginning of new sequence of struggle. Thursday marked the end of an approach to dealing with a mortal enemy – European capitalism and its institutions – with the kind of tactical improvisation in want of a strategy, which has characterised the government. But not the radical left in and outside of Syriza.

They take strategic questions facing our movement seriously. So seriously that we constantly check ourselves reality and in permanent debate between different perspectives.

Different, but united in the battle.

So – between things ended and things begun.

Walt Whitman - and the title of the opening chapter of my book, which I’ve just finished revising.
The answer will be material i suppose.
 
No, it won't alter the immediate consequences of a Grexit, but it may make a difference to how the masses (in Greece and outside it) perceive Grexit, and how they apportion blame and responsibility for it.

Depends how far the Greek economy goes down the pan if it exits. I think it will be fast and potentially bloody.

If there is an exit - particularly without the express consent of the Greek people - and things get really bad, then Syriza will get most if not all the blame. Then you would have the rise and rise of Golden Dawn as a distinct possibility.

The only way out would be to hold a referendum and put it in the hands of the Greek people.

If they vote to leave then they can't reasonably blame Syriza.

If they vote to accept the Troika package, as I think they will, that too would be their choice.
 
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I'm being a bit slow on the uptake here...I think.

Are you sort of suggesting that the euro-bankers have already decided Greece is out? And that Tsipras (now) knows this and is actually cementing the "we was pushed" meme?

I'm thinking that Tsipras et al know that the logic of the end game is exit. . . but that may be just me being overoptimistic. If they do know it (and regardless of whether the oligarchs know it or not, if that is the logic at work, they'll know it soon enough) then it would make sense to position oneself in a place where you can say "we was pushed".

But this is all above my pay grade.
 
I'm thinking that Tsipras et al know that the logic of the end game is exit. . . but that may be just me being overoptimistic. If they do know it (and regardless of whether the oligarchs know it or not, if that is the logic at work, they'll know it soon enough) then it would make sense to position oneself in a place where you can say "we was pushed".

But this is all above my pay grade.
Yep, but makes (party) political sense.
 
Could the consequences of Grexit vary according to the steps that lead to Grexit? If SYRIZA is able to say "we did everything to avoid Grexit, but the hegemons in the EU wouldn't have it", will that alter their position if they had said "Grexit or bust" from the beginning? (Regardless of whether either of those things were what they believed in their hearts).

i suppose thats a question in two parts - firstly a political question of whether Greek voters will believe anything that comes out of Syrizas' mouth (grass is green, sky is blue stuff), and then the Grexit question on a technical basis.

i think Schauble has mooted a planned, mutually agreed Grexit as being the best option for all concerned - it wouldn't be too difficult to achieve, you could buy a certain period of commodities in advance to get you through the inevitable depreciation and uncertainty, and have 'solidarity' buys of New Drachma by the the EZ/EU countries. it would need a very significant debt write-off in order to be sustainable, which is why eyebrows might be raised upon Schauble raising it as an option...
 
I'm thinking that Tsipras et al know that the logic of the end game is exit. . . but that may be just me being overoptimistic. If they do know it (and regardless of whether the oligarchs know it or not, if that is the logic at work, they'll know it soon enough) then it would make sense to position oneself in a place where you can say "we was pushed".

I'm finding hard to be this optimistic. Tsipras wouldn't have needed to take PASOK, POTAMI, etc to do it, would he? I ask because GREXIT being the end game, he may have just managed to make sure Syriza will be excluded from the after-GREXIT.
 
Varoufakis has just posted a tweet about spending time with daughter before her return to Australia.
Hmmm
 
i suppose thats a question in two parts - firstly a political question of whether Greek voters will believe anything that comes out of Syrizas' mouth (grass is green, sky is blue stuff), and then the Grexit question on a technical basis.

i think Schauble has mooted a planned, mutually agreed Grexit as being the best option for all concerned - it wouldn't be too difficult to achieve, you could buy a certain period of commodities in advance to get you through the inevitable depreciation and uncertainty, and have 'solidarity' buys of New Drachma by the the EZ/EU countries. it would need a very significant debt write-off in order to be sustainable, which is why eyebrows might be raised upon Schauble raising it as an option...

Schauble's a fucking cunt, from everything I've seen. Maybe SYRIZA are in way over their heads (that's probably more likely than my more optimistic reading above), but really, that fucking guy. . .
 
Schauble's a fucking cunt, from everything I've seen...

the feeling i get from the 'out' comments he's been making is that he takes the view that the EZ is better off without Greece, and Greece is better off without the EZ and all its restrictions, and that what gets Greece out of the EZ is good and that which keeps them in is bad. so by making staying within the EZ as unpleasant as possible he's tipping Greece to leave, and (in the medium to long term) doing both them and everyone else a favour.

probably a reaction to the endless, and just making everything worse for all concerned, kicking the Greek/Debt can down the road because of its political difficulty. could be wrong of course...
 
the feeling i get from the 'out' comments he's been making is that he takes the view that the EZ is better off without Greece, and Greece is better off without the EZ and all its restrictions, and that what gets Greece out of the EZ is good and that which keeps them in is bad. so by making staying within the EZ as unpleasant as possible he's tipping Greece to leave, and (in the medium to long term) doing both them and everyone else a favour.

probably a reaction to the endless, and just making everything worse for all concerned, kicking the Greek/Debt can down the road because of its political difficulty. could be wrong of course...

I really don't think the German elite are that smart - or even that Machiavellian. The German efficiency stereotype has some basis in fact, but from what I've seen (personal anecdote time) it seems to cover an emotional side that's quite Irish in some ways. I could see Henry Kissinger behaving in the way you outline, but Schauble. . .
 
I'm thinking that Tsipras et al know that the logic of the end game is exit. . . but that may be just me being overoptimistic. If they do know it (and regardless of whether the oligarchs know it or not, if that is the logic at work, they'll know it soon enough) then it would make sense to position oneself in a place where you can say "we was pushed".

But this is all above my pay grade.

If Greece is going to leave the euro it either has already prepared for this - this doesn't seem to be the case, no printing presses etc - or needs time to do so without a banking collpase. Either way it will need to be presented as Greece being forced out (which given the way the institutions/troika etc have behaved shdnt be too hard)
 
I really don't think the German elite are that smart - or even that Machiavellian. The German efficiency stereotype has some basis in fact, but from what I've seen (personal anecdote time) it seems to cover an emotional side that's quite Irish in some ways. I could see Henry Kissinger behaving in the way you outline, but Schauble. . .

Lets not forget how fond of bribery the top of their politics and business used to be, either

the feeling i get from the 'out' comments he's been making is that he takes the view that the EZ is better off without Greece, and Greece is better off without the EZ and all its restrictions, and that what gets Greece out of the EZ is good and that which keeps them in is bad. so by making staying within the EZ as unpleasant as possible he's tipping Greece to leave, and (in the medium to long term) doing both them and everyone else a favour.

probably a reaction to the endless, and just making everything worse for all concerned, kicking the Greek/Debt can down the road because of its political difficulty. could be wrong of course...

This would be the smart thing to do, but if that is what is his intention then he is doing it awfully.
 
And from his 2014 "How will capitalism end?" piece in the NLR...

Great piece, everyone should read it I agree. Really illuminating.

Have you had a look at the sources?

This is new to me entirely I think, well worth a look

The Citigroup Plutonomy Memos: Two bombshell documents that Citigroup's lawyers try to suppress, describing in detail the rule of the first 1%

So what are we talking about? In 2005 and 2006, several analysts at Citigroup took a very, very close look at the economic inequalities within the USA and other countries and wrote two memos which were addressed to their very wealthy customers. If there is one group of people who need to know the truth about what is really going on within the society and the economy, minus the propaganda, then it's businesspeople who have a lot of money to invest, and who want to invest wisely.

...


Little of this note should tally with conventional thinking. Indeed, traditional thinking is likely to have issues with most of it. We will posit that:

1) the world is dividing into two blocs - the plutonomies, where economic growth is powered by and largely consumed by the wealthy few, and the rest.

Plutonomies have occurred before in sixteenth century Spain, in seventeenth century Holland, the Gilded Age and the Roaring Twenties in the U.S. What are the common drivers of Plutonomy?

Disruptive technology-driven productivity gains, creative financial innovation, capitalist- friendly cooperative governments, an international dimension of immigrants and overseas conquests invigorating wealth creation, the rule of law, and patenting inventions. Often these wealth waves involve great complexity, exploited best by the rich and educated of the time.

2) We project that the plutonomies (the U.S., UK, and Canada) will likely see even more income inequality, disproportionately feeding off a further rise in the profit share in their economies, capitalist-friendly governments, more technology-driven productivity, and globalization.

4) In a plutonomy there is no such animal as “the U.S. consumer” or “the UK consumer”, or indeed the “Russian consumer”. There are rich consumers, few in
number, but disproportionate in the gigantic slice of income and consumption they take.

There are the rest, the “non-rich”, the multitudinous many, but only accounting for surprisingly small bites of the national pie. Consensus analyses that do not tease out the profound impact of the plutonomy on spending power, debt loads, savings rates (and hence current account deficits), oil price impacts etc, i.e., focus on the “average”consumer are flawed from the start. It is easy to drown in a lake with an average depth of 4 feet, if one steps into its deeper extremes. Since consumption accounts for 65% of the world economy, and consumer staples and discretionary sectors for 19.8% of the MSCI AC World Index, understanding how the plutonomy impacts consumption is key for equity market participants.
 

In my first week as minister for finance I was visited by Jeroen Dijsselbloem, president of the Eurogroup (the eurozone finance ministers), who put a stark choice to me: accept the bailout’s “logic” and drop any demands for debt restructuring or your loan agreement will “crash” – the unsaid repercussion being that Greece’s banks would be boarded up.

Five months of negotiations ensued under conditions of monetary asphyxiation and an induced bank-run supervised and administered by the European Central Bank. The writing was on the wall: unless we capitulated, we would soon be facing capital controls, quasi-functioning cash machines, a prolonged bank holiday and, ultimately, Grexit.

It's a poor consolation that "All Europe has been watching". Some will be thinking about their skins and others will be trembling about what could happen to them in the future. Germany, we all also know, will be able to dodge anything that comes their way. What is really disappointing in that piece is that Varoufakis has had plenty of opportunity to change his thinking about the Euro in the 5 months after that first week and it's not like there weren't other people in the party urging him to at least plan an exit, for the sake of the humanitarian reasons he expounded.

We, the people, it seems, end up always caught caught between a ruthless right or an amateur left.
Fuckers!
 
Put the fear of God into the French? It's more likely to put Le Pen in the Elysee palace.

As it is, Hollande played a blinder, far more the good European, than the Commission et al. And a load of people across the continent, further removed from the problem than Greece, that favoured Grexit, must ask themselves "what am i missing?, how can they decide this is the better alternative?"
Merkel's not done yet, though. I doubt it would be Germany that roadblocks directly, but she must be hoping someone else will rid her of this turbulent priest...If it goes through, next stop Federalism.
 
From Michael Roberts on FB:

So the Greek government capitulated and submitted a request for more bailout funds from the Troika in return for imposing fiscal and other austerity measures that are even harsher than the Troika were demanding only last week and which were rejected overwhelmingly by the Greek people in the referendum last Sunday.

So the impossible triangle for Syriza proved impossible.This was reversing austerity; staying in the euro and remaining in government. The first has gone in order to keep the second. As the Greek parliament meets, it seems that the third corner of the triangle has also been preserved. The Left Platform, supposedly opposed to austerity even if it meant Grexit, has also capitulated (except for maybe a few MPs). They are supporting the austerity measures to keep Syriza united and in office.

Apparently, the argument is that the Greek people are suffering, the banks are closed and they fear the alternative of Grexit. So we must accede to the majority for now and leave the fight for another day. This is a strange argument given that Greeks did not succumb to 'fear' in the referendum when the banking system had already shut down. It seems that the Left Platform too is not prepared to follow the lead of the people in opposing the Troika's demands.

What justification can PM Tsipras offer to explain his apparent complete about turn from last Sunday? The first is that the referendum was a vote against austerity not Grexit which the Greek people do not want. So he had to choose, as I said on 8 July, and he chose austerity over Grexit.
Also, it's true that the austerity conditions for the new 'bailout' will be harsher than Tsipras could have got five months ago when the second bailout extension talks began. But,Tsipras might say, here is the difference.

If Tsipras had agreed to those conditions then, Greece would have got only €7bn in funds that would have been used simply to pay off the IMF and the ECB and then talks would have to start on a new package as they have now. At leas, the new package will provide funds to meet creditors for the next three years and also the promise of some 'debt relief' to reduce the burden of debt servicing.

And just maybe, if the Eurozone economy starts to recover over the next year, so will Greek capitalism and this will allow the government some 'fiscal space' to spend some money (see this argument from new finance minister Tsakalotos in my post of 21 January -
https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/…/syriza-the-econom…/). So Greeks must accept yet more pain for a while and then things will get better.
This is, of course, the cry of all previous Greek governments when agreeing to previous Troika measures. Will it work this time? Well, once I have the full details of the bailout funding and conditions (assuming this is agreed by the Eurogroup tomorrow and it is confirmed that there will be a third package), then I shall consider this question in a post on my blog.
 
From Michael Roberts on FB:

So the Greek government capitulated and submitted a request for more bailout funds from the Troika in return for imposing fiscal and other austerity measures that are even harsher than the Troika were demanding only last week and which were rejected overwhelmingly by the Greek people in the referendum last Sunday.

So the impossible triangle for Syriza proved impossible.This was reversing austerity; staying in the euro and remaining in government. The first has gone in order to keep the second. As the Greek parliament meets, it seems that the third corner of the triangle has also been preserved. The Left Platform, supposedly opposed to austerity even if it meant Grexit, has also capitulated (except for maybe a few MPs). They are supporting the austerity measures to keep Syriza united and in office.

Apparently, the argument is that the Greek people are suffering, the banks are closed and they fear the alternative of Grexit. So we must accede to the majority for now and leave the fight for another day. This is a strange argument given that Greeks did not succumb to 'fear' in the referendum when the banking system had already shut down. It seems that the Left Platform too is not prepared to follow the lead of the people in opposing the Troika's demands.

What justification can PM Tsipras offer to explain his apparent complete about turn from last Sunday? The first is that the referendum was a vote against austerity not Grexit which the Greek people do not want. So he had to choose, as I said on 8 July, and he chose austerity over Grexit.
Also, it's true that the austerity conditions for the new 'bailout' will be harsher than Tsipras could have got five months ago when the second bailout extension talks began. But,Tsipras might say, here is the difference.

If Tsipras had agreed to those conditions then, Greece would have got only €7bn in funds that would have been used simply to pay off the IMF and the ECB and then talks would have to start on a new package as they have now. At leas, the new package will provide funds to meet creditors for the next three years and also the promise of some 'debt relief' to reduce the burden of debt servicing.

And just maybe, if the Eurozone economy starts to recover over the next year, so will Greek capitalism and this will allow the government some 'fiscal space' to spend some money (see this argument from new finance minister Tsakalotos in my post of 21 January -
https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/…/syriza-the-econom…/). So Greeks must accept yet more pain for a while and then things will get better.
This is, of course, the cry of all previous Greek governments when agreeing to previous Troika measures. Will it work this time? Well, once I have the full details of the bailout funding and conditions (assuming this is agreed by the Eurogroup tomorrow and it is confirmed that there will be a third package), then I shall consider this question in a post on my blog.
His answer is no btw:

Whether there is now a deal with the Troika or alternatively, Grexit, the Greek economy needs to grow. Onlty this can make any public or private debt burden disappear. Take the US. The US public sector debt is huge at nearly 100% of GDP. But the US can service that debt easily because it has nominal GDP growth of just 4% a year. And the interest costs on its debt are very low at just 3% a year. As growth is higher than the interest cost on the debt, the US government can run a deficit of taxes versus spending (before interest) of 1% of GDP a year, and its debt ratio will still stay stable (but not fall).

Greece, on the other hand, in 2011, had interest costs of over 4% on its debt and nominal GDP of -5% a year, so it needed a government surplus of 9% of GDP just to keep the debt from rising. The government was applying austerity but still a deficit. Even the small debt restructuring of 2012 in the second bailout program did not stop the rise in the debt ratio. It is still rising.

In the 2012 bailout package, the Euro group agreed to put off repayment of its loans until 2022 and reduce the interest payments on them to just 2%. So, to stabilise the debt, the Greek economy now needs to grow by only 2% a year in nominal terms and balance its budget. But it cannot even do that yet. And even if it could, that would mean the debt ratio would just remain at 180% of a still contracting Greek GDP. So everything depends on restoring growth, much faster growth. That means more investment, new jobs, rising incomes and tax revenues and the ability to pay debt.
 
Dear Mr Tsipras,
What are politicians for? The majority of them are there to ensure that the ways in which the majority of people are exploited and oppressed carry on. And we despise them for it. Most of them use their opportunity to do this to personally enrich themselves until they die in a haze of over-consumption. You know all this.

Just occasionally, we are delighted when politicians emerge who not only remind us of how venal and disgusting these people are who prop up such an unequal unfair system, but who suggest ways in which this situation can be challenged or even overcome. It happens rather rarely and when it does, it is often difficult for such people to be heard through the din of voices telling us that exploitation and oppression make for a fair and just world. You know all this.

You and your party emerged at a time of great crisis for the Greek people. But when I say the 'Greek people', I don't mean the great moguls, bankers, and property owners - or the previous generations of politicians. I mean the Greek workers, small-time farmers and small-time shop-keepers who do the work to keep Greece going. I've only been to Greece twice but I've seen the people running fishing boats, tending olive groves, working the ferries, coming out of small-time factories, cleaning, cooking, washing, putting hummus and olives on my table as I sat out at night looking at the sea. These people are in crisis. You know all this.

And you know that it wasn't these people who borrowed the money. They got up, went to work and went to bed. And when they couldn't do this in the winter, they travelled to Athens or Italy or Britain or America or wherever to pick up some more work. These people didn't have the power or the clout to make the big deals that brought in money from Europe. These big deals are made in the money exchanges and stock exchanges and banks by the owners and controllers of big, big money. The people I'm talking about didn't have the power to do that. They trusted the politicians and the bankers and the rest to be doing the right thing…to make sure that the tourists like me came in and bought their meals and slept in the beds and bought the trinkets and that the people in Europe bought the olives and the olive oil. And for the vast mass of these people, doing this work has never made them rich. They've just gone on doing it. Yet up there in the banks and exchanges, a tiny, tiny minority of people did get rich and go on being rich and go on swanning round the world dodging taxes, buying properties, buying and selling money. You know all this.

And you told the world you know this. You won the confidence of the Greek people I'm talking about. They believed that you would find a way for them to not have to pay back the loans they didn't make. Somehow, you and your party would claw back some of the wealth sloshing around the richest families, somehow you and your party would find a way to tell those in power who want to claw back their losses from the poorest people, to go hang. Lending money is a risky business. Just tell them they lost. Tough. You know all this.

And last weekend, it looked like you pulled off one of the great moves of this kind of politics. You returned to the people and the people told the world that they wouldn't and couldn't take the rap for the rich people's risk-taking. We rejoiced. You know all this.

And yet today, we read that, far from returning to the people and using all your powers of invention and cunning to resist the power of bank notes, and electronic euro-clicking, you seem to have said, yes, the poorest people in Greece - the great majority of Greek people will pay. They will pay with their hands, their hearts, their bodies, their hours of work and extra work and extra extra work. And this mass of labour will produce bit by bit some kind of compensation (is it?) to the great bankers of Europe sitting in their mansions across the world. You know all this.

And you know that no matter what 'compensation' these banks receive, in truth, what they win is an affirmation of their own power. They strengthen their warnings and threats to the mass of people of Europe: don't you ever dare tip up the apple cart, don't you ever dare suggest that there can be any other way of organising your lives so that you benefit from the work you do. There is only one way: the way whereby you do the work, and we benefit the most. That is the order we live by and we order you to live by it. That was the message they wanted you, Mr Tsipras, to deliver. And surprisingly, shockingly, amazingly, it seems as if you have.

Why? What's the point? What has been the point of your life? Why have you spent the last five years, being a person who has said the opposite of what you have done today? What's it all been for? What is a socialist who makes it easier for capitalism to exploit and oppress people? What kind of socialist is that? But then, I fear, you know all this, you know all this, you know all this.
Michael Rosen
 
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