Can anyone really answer that question? Maybe a polling organisation. I suspect however that you already have the answer because like a lot of posters on here you imagine that the entire 'working class' is basically yourself writ large. Hence your ability to confidently pronounce on their likes and dislikes as if they were a monolithic body.
the anl only resurrected after a series of fascist attacks on swp paper sales, most of which the swp leadership kept from the membership. if memory serves, searchlight published a very hostile editorial about the return of the anl, saying that no need to establish a competitor to afa or words to that effect.
Red theatreNot at all. But as smokeandsteam points out, you have to ask the question "what did the intervention achieve?"
It's fine saying that it appeals to oneself on a personal level, but what purchase do such actions have amongst the wider working class itself?
If you're not careful all you end up doing is looking like a bunch of lefty students having a doss (even if that's not actually the case).
On the point of protecting your meetings. It's patently obvious that anti-fascist meetings can (and will) be targeted by the far right on occasion. To not at least have some form of stewarding is short sighted and defies common sense - and that doesn't necessarily mean a gang of big lads on the door who'll intimidate all comers.
Can anyone really answer that question? Maybe a polling organisation. I suspect however that you already have the answer because like a lot of posters on here you imagine that the entire 'working class' is basically yourself writ large. Hence your ability to confidently pronounce on their likes and dislikes as if they were a monolithic body.
Can anyone really answer that question? Maybe a polling organisation. I suspect however that you already have the answer because like a lot of posters on here you imagine that the entire 'working class' is basically yourself writ large. Hence your ability to confidently pronounce on their likes and dislikes as if they were a monolithic body.
One, it is a case of understanding that a substantial section of the working class is vulnerable to the UKIP pitch. And two, when you understand why they feel they way they do, a natural accompaniment is an instinct in regard to what will work to harden those sympathies.
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This is a non-sequitur - understanding that "a substantial section of the working class is vulnerable to the UKIP pitch" does not grant a natural instinct (psychic insight?) into what will work to 'harden those sympathies'.
I'm struggling to understand why this particular action, (which I wasn't part of or had any hand in organising btw) has aroused such anger and disapproval on here. Clearly more than a few of its critics are in favour of a certain form of community activism, fair enough, but where is the honest appraisal of how that approach works? If the left is a self congratulatory middle class bubble why has it been so hard to break out of it? Surely it can't all be someone else's fault?
Some anti-UKIP and particularly some anti-EDL stuff has been outright snobbery (jibes about dress sense, tattoos, spelling the dole etc etc) and there I'd agree that the target audience is quite likely to react in an extremely negative way. I don't agree that this stunt fits that bill.
This is a non-sequitur - understanding that "a substantial section of the working class is vulnerable to the UKIP pitch" does not grant a natural instinct (psychic insight?) into what will work to 'harden those sympathies'.
I'm struggling to understand why this particular action, (which I wasn't part of or had any hand in organising btw) has aroused such anger and disapproval on here. Clearly more than a few of its critics are in favour of a certain form of community activism, fair enough, but where is the honest appraisal of how that approach works? If the left is a self congratulatory middle class bubble why has it been so hard to break out of it? Surely it can't all be someone else's fault?
Some anti-UKIP and particularly some anti-EDL stuff has been outright snobbery (jibes about dress sense, tattoos, spelling the dole etc etc) and there I'd agree that the target audience is quite likely to react in an extremely negative way. I don't agree that this stunt fits that bill.
Do blacks and Jews need a polling group to sniff out prejudice? No? Well, this is no different. After 35 years of being told by both liberals and the neo-liberal right that they're effectively 'inadequate' and their "concerns largely imaginary" (quoting from a post on another thread, here) people from a manual working class background in particular often have a hair trigger antennae for the supercilious social slight.
It rather sounds like this may come of something of a surprise to you, but there need be nothing "outright" about it for them to suss it either.
I hate to bang this drum but I have more than a passing acquaintance with a "manual working class background" - it might be that some people have their backs put up easier than others, but I still find it hard to see how a conga line directed at ex-public schoolboy (who made his money in the city) is perceived by the working class as a social slight.
This is a non-sequitur - understanding that "a substantial section of the working class is vulnerable to the UKIP pitch" does not grant a natural instinct (psychic insight?) into what will work to 'harden those sympathies'.
I'm struggling to understand why this particular action, (which I wasn't part of or had any hand in organising btw) has aroused such anger and disapproval on here. Clearly more than a few of its critics are in favour of a certain form of community activism, fair enough, but where is the honest appraisal of how that approach works? If the left is a self congratulatory middle class bubble why has it been so hard to break out of it? Surely it can't all be someone else's fault?
Some anti-UKIP and particularly some anti-EDL stuff has been outright snobbery (jibes about dress sense, tattoos, spelling the dole etc etc) and there I'd agree that the target audience is quite likely to react in an extremely negative way. I don't agree that this stunt fits that bill.
Farage is not a fascist no matter how distasteful his views are . He's not engaged in, linked to or calling for physical force past or present . He's a non combatant if you will . His people arent into confrontations of that nature therefore it's totally inappropriate to engage him in a family context as opposed to his political one .
I don't think anyone is arguing that Farage is a fascist - in fact that's why a strategy designed to defeat the BNP isn't necessarily going to work against UKIP. He represents the Eurosceptic wing of the Tory party and is a long way from the BNPs Strasserite tendencies. I agree that street anti-fascism is not appropriate fro dealing with UKIP and I think you would have had a point if a bunch of masked up 'antifa' had rushed in and punched him.
However Farage has regularly politicised his presence in pubs, inviting the media to watch him sup bitter and present himself as as a saloon bar everyman. That I would argue makes it appropriate to engage him in a light hearted stunt there.
Again I ask - what of your poltical alternative, where is it, how's it going and where can I read a bit more about it?
I went to an AFA public meeting at Manchester town hall the week before the ANL was relaunched. I was still in the SWP at that time and personally had never agreed with the winding down if the ANL in the first place. It was quite clear from that public meeting, well attended btw with what would have been considered to be the sort of audience the SWP should have been relating to, that there was a clear case and a clear demand for an anti fascist movement. I think workers power came out with some sort of open letter to the SWP and a week after as if by magic ANL mark 2 was launched . No doubt in my mind that it was to attract some of AFAs following and head off their their intended audience .
I think it was two factors , first the attacks on the paper sales which were never discussed openly in the branches and secondly that AFA was attracting precisely the sort of people who we had initially recruited around Lewisham and ANL mark one.For an organisation which had to some extent earnt a reputation as being at the forefront of anti fascism we were being outflanked.The problem was that ANL Mark 2 was toothless , much of the branch leadership emphasising no 'squadism' and tied to not upsetting its backers. So much so that in mobilising for a demo against far right meeting in a hotel in Manchester even Bamberry had to come up to the Manchester branches to nudge the local leadership into some form of at least verbal physical force anti fascism activity to try and gain some local credibility.In the November 1991 AFA led 4,000 strong march through Bethnal Green. Two months later the ANL was re-launched. I would suggest the events were connected.
I went to an AFA public meeting at Manchester town hall the week before the ANL was relaunched. I was still in the SWP at that time and personally had never agreed with the winding down if the ANL in the first place. It was quite clear from that public meeting, well attended btw with what would have been considered to be the sort of audience the SWP should have been relating to, that there was a clear case and a clear demand for an anti fascist movement. I think workers power came out with some sort of open letter to the SWP and a week after as if by magic ANL mark 2 was launched . No doubt in my mind that it was to attract some of AFAs following and head off their their intended audience .
I think it was two factors , first the attacks on the paper sales which were never discussed openly in the branches and secondly that AFA was attracting precisely the sort of people who we had initially recruited around Lewisham and ANL mark one.For an organisation which had to some extent earnt a reputation as being at the forefront of anti fascism we were being outflanked.The problem was that ANL Mark 2 was toothless , much of the branch leadership emphasising no 'squadism'
Usefulness of the EDL
258 All parties agreed – and it is probably a matter on which judicial notice may properly be taken – that the EDL was an overtly racist organisation, particularly hostile to Muslims. It was also agreed that it is an organisation which does not shrink from violence or attempting to provoke violence in others. In Tower Hamlets and indeed, in the UK, political terms it is wholly negligible. As far as can be ascertained, it does not often seek democratic election and, when it does, its level of failure is absolute. Its membership is tiny, though undoubtedly noisy.
The EDL’s modus operandi appears to be that, from time to time, it proposes a march, usually through an area with a large BME, preferably a large Muslim, population. A march by the EDL in Tower Hamlets in September 2013 featured in the evidence. Once the march is proposed, all the political and community organisations in the area normally vie with each other in demanding that the march be banned. If it is not, then, they plan a large counter-demonstration. Pausing there, this is (certainly on the evidence before the court) an opportunity for each group to castigate the supposed half-heartedness of the others and to adopt a ‘more anti-fascist than thou’ posture. The march occurs: the assembled political and community groups stage their counter-protest. Sometimes a few heads get broken. The police and (subsequently) the street cleaners deservedly earn substantial overtime. The dogs bark and the caravan moves on. Everyone congratulates themselves that they have ‘seen off the fascists’.
No apologies are made for this somewhat cynical view of the EDL’s activities, because the uses to which the EDL was put by Mr Rahman and THF were equally cynical. Apart from causing a brouhaha once a year or thereabouts, the power and influence of the EDL is, in somewhere like Tower Hamlets, non-existent.
But the EDL does have its uses. Because it dislikes Mr Rahman – undoubtedly, in the case of the EDL, because he is non-white – the EDL seizes on any criticism of Mr Rahman and repeats it on social media. This enables Mr Rahman and his cohorts to argue as follows: criticisms of Mr Rahman by his political opponents are adopted and repeated by the EDL: the EDL is a racist organisation: therefore anyone who criticises Mr Rahman is giving aid and comfort to the EDL: therefore anyone who gives aid and comfort to the EDL is himself a racist: therefore it is racist to criticise Mr Rahman. This series of propositions informed all the responses of Mr Rahman and his team to criticisms and may be taken to be an epitome of the thought processes of Mr Alibor Choudhury.
Truly, in Tower Hamlets, if the EDL did not exist, like Voltaire’s God, it would be necessary to invent it.
Can anyone really answer that question? Maybe a polling organisation. I suspect however that you already have the answer because like a lot of posters on here you imagine that the entire 'working class' is basically yourself writ large. Hence your ability to confidently pronounce on their likes and dislikes as if they were a monolithic body.
Obviously we're all guessing a bit here, all making assumptions, but instinctively, can you really see this kind of activist theatre type intervention vs Farage + family doing anything to put off anyone voting UKIP ? (Apparently) posh studes pulling off those kind of stunts just seems v likely to play straight into UKIP s paper thin ' UKIP vs the elite ' schtick surely ?
Are you suggesting that Farage appeals only to those from the same background as himself?
I've been wading through the Tower Hamlets election judgement
Why do we assume that Farage can transcend his class background but any counter-protestors can't?
To be honest I'm just amused by the reaction that this protest provoked on here. Some of us must be a bit closer to the 'uni drama club' than we care to admit.He talks simple " immigrants taking jobs / forcing wages down / all part of mainstream elites EU backed plans" bullshit , the "protestors" message is not nearly so clear / defined , and wrongly or rightly, the air they give off seems to smell of uni drama club .
To be honest I'm just amused by the reaction that this protest provoked on here. Some of us must be a bit closer to the 'uni drama club' than we care to admit.
Why do we assume that Farage can transcend his class background but any counter-protestors can't?