No..just a facemask and a well thumbed pack of Tarot cards.....
WHY DO WE NEED A MILITANT ANTI-FASCIST MOVEMENT?
Anti-fascism is fundamentally a rear-guard action, fascism and ultra-nationalism rear their heads where the left has failed. In a world where the majority are born into poverty or are asked to accept ever larger doses of 'austerity' a global elite grows stratospherically wealthy, with no borders or limits on their greed. In the UK we see the aggressive privatisation of public services, the introduction of workfare and the slashing of benefits. There is a concerted effort by a wealthy elite to reverse all the gains made by an organised working class in the last sixty years. Swathes of the population have no representation in mainstream politics.
Inevitably this makes people angry. The status quo is indefensible. The fascist's answer to this is to scapegoat immigrants and outsiders. Their position is just an echo of the agenda of those wielding real power. Watch as David Cameron introduces the most vicious attack on the rights of working people for a generation one day and the next announces that “Islamic extremism” is the greatest challenge we face as a nation. The message that immigration is the main problem facing society is rammed home daily by a handful of billionaire newspaper owners. Watch how the leadership of the far-right are invited onto Newsnight to express the views of the “white working class”.
This has created a reservoir of support for far-right politics, as witnessed by 4.5 million votes for UKIP at the last election. UKIP have hoovered up the BNPs electoral base and enlarged it. Where the BNP had an outline of what their economic and social policies were (the classic fascist mix of aggressive nationalism combined with socialistic economic policy), UKIP are far more nebulous – nobody really knows where they stand on the privatisation of the NHS for example, their appeal to the southern blue-blazer golf club set sits uneasily alongside their base among a northern white working class. It is not clear how well placed they are to fill the vacuum left by the retreat of Labour. The BNP itself has collapsed with the expulsion of Nick Griffin, their most successful leader, marking their march into oblivion.
Back in 1992 following sustained pressure from militant anti-fascists, the BNP announced a change in direction. Nick Griffin's announced that there would be “no more marches, no more punch-ups” and re-orientated the BNP in an electoral direction. Following this change of tack there was a virtual cessation of far-right street activity in the U.K. Under a hundred National Front members marching in Dover was a major event in the anti-fascist calendar.
That all changed in 2009 with the advent of the English Defence League. Cut from a different cloth than previous nationalist street movements, they were a single issue right wing campaign. They effectively attempted to import the tactics of the Orange March to mainland UK. The EDL are and were an online phenomenon, they don't aim for day to day 'control of the streets' but more the creation of a collective 'common sense', aided and abetted by the mainstream media. There were no public meetings or attempts to leaflet in small groups, let alone stand for election. As a single issue campaign there was never any attempt to outline any kind of social or economic ideas. Suddenly there were almost monthly manifestations of hundreds if not thousands of ultra-nationalists somewhere in the country.
Clearly the EDL had succeeded in mobilising a lot of angry people. Their propaganda tapped into the 'clash of civilisations' narrative pushed by the state due to the UK's involvement in Middle Eastern wars. It has been argued that they are and were a modern day “King & Country” mob. Demonstrations were specifically targetted at towns with large Muslim populations with the aim being a loud re-assertion of English values against those of the supposed alien invader. Many must have found attendance at an EDL demo an empowering experience.
The success of the EDL began to fuel a rise in Islamophobic attacks. It also, and this is of crucial importance, saw the beginning of attacks on the left – meetings disrupted, stalls attacked, known activists targeted at home and their places of work.
For the next five years autonomous groups of anti-fascists, generally of anarchist or leftist persuasion together with the more mainstream Socialist Worker Party backed Unite against Fascism (UAF) attempted to counter-act these demos. Where we were strong as a movement, i.e in towns with a large sub-cultural population e.g Brighton or Bristol or where the local community was able to muster numbers e.g Walthamstow, Tower Hamlets or Bradford the EDL were successfully confronted. A successful outcome for anti-fascists would be the EDL confined inside a police cordon besieged by anti-fascists. In many towns however the EDL demonstration outnumbered anti-fascist counter demonstrators.
In the last two years the EDL have been shrinking, although it is always worth remembering that such a loose organisation has the capacity to regenerate alarmingly quickly under the right circumstances. What has happened though is that they have paved the way for other groups. A gaggle of far-right groups have gained confidence from the EDL experience. Some, like Britain First have characterised themselves as UKIPs street army, others like National Action and the National Front are of more obvious neo-Nazi bent. There are many 'footsoldiers' who flit between the two poles. All of them gain confidence whenever they able to mobilise on the streets.
The rise of the EDL showed that there is the capacity for a large scale right wing street movement in the U.K. At the moment the far-right is in disarray but is still sustaining a level of activity that would have been shocking ten years ago. This is not alarmist – tackled properly they can be successfully confronted.