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14th November Movement for Left Unity

actually its because you have to log in, personally I don't think LU should rush anything...
If you think LU "shouldn't rush anything" then why the impatience?

You don't have to log in. Below is the message I got when I accessed the same page.
If you would like to participate in the discussions around internal democracy, party structure and constitution please email commissions@leftunity.org

That page doesn't ask you to log-in. It asks you to email them if you want to participate in a discussion. Big difference.

Same link
http://leftunity.org/welcome-to-lef...l-democracy-party-structure-and-constitution/
 
b) to win a mandate to govern and introduce radical and fundamental changes in British society based on our belief in the benefits of cooperation and community ownership instead of the chaotic competition of capitalism; universal human rights, internationalism and peace; social, political and economic equality for all in the fullest sense, without which true democracy and mutual respect cannot flourish; a democratically planned economy that is environmentally sustainable, within which all enterprises, whether privately owned, cooperatives or under public ownership operate in ways that promote the needs of the people and wider society; an inclusive welfare state which meets the needs of all and within which each contributes according to their ability

OK, fair play to them: they are trying to define the socialism which the party will stand for and I'm sure it's not an easy task. Also, writing by committee is difficult. Still...

1. It definitely needs some editing to make it more readable and to eliminate some of the tedious pleonasm: "radical and fundamental", "the people and wider society"

2. Is "community ownership" intended as a catch-all term including all forms of social ownership, including nationalisation, or is it some local form of social ownership? The term is not clear. Does it mean something different from "public ownership", which is also used in the same paragraph? If the new party is going to be in favour of nationalisation, municipal ownership and other forms, it would be better to spell these things out and indicate more about which organisations will be taken into which forms of social ownership.

3. It's great that the new party wants a "democratically planned economy". Unfortunately, it is not at all clear what a "democratically planned economy" would be and how it would work. This needs (some) spelling out. After the failures of (inadequately democratic) planned economies, it is important to say how democracy and economic planning can be combined and why we should expect a "democratically planned economy" to be successful enough to provide the prosperity and security which people want, unlike the failed 20th century planned economies.
 
I hate this notion that capitalism is totally unplanned, chaotic in their terms, like it just magically happens. It implicitly accepts one of their assumptions, that capitalism is just the natural default state of society, where via the magic of the market needs are fulfilled spontaneously without any conscious plan. It's total bullshit, a totally disembedded market society that operates like Adam Smith abstract theories is impossible anyway, it'sa dogma but it's a dogma we all too often buy into.

We already live in a planned economy, an economy planned around the needs and interests of capital, the aim is to create a democratically planned and colletively owned economy, extend those principles of democracy into the economic sphere, rather than treat economics as some magic zero-sum game totally apart from politics or society that operates via some abstract model that no-one can ever infringe on. At least they've written "democratically planned economy" I suppose that's a concession but otherwise their definition of socialism is pretty trotty.
 
I hate this notion that capitalism is totally unplanned, chaotic in their terms, like it just magically happens. It implicitly accepts one of their assumptions, that capitalism is just the natural default state of society, where via the magic of the market needs are fulfilled spontaneously without any conscious plan. It's total bullshit, a totally disembedded market society that operates like Adam Smith abstract theories is impossible anyway, it'sa dogma but it's a dogma we all too often buy into.

We already live in a planned economy, an economy planned around the needs and interests of capital, the aim is to create a democratically planned and colletively owned economy, extend those principles of democracy into the economic sphere, rather than treat economics as some magic zero-sum game totally apart from politics or society that operates via some abstract model that no-one can ever infringe on. At least they've written "democratically planned economy" I suppose that's a concession but otherwise their definition of socialism is pretty trotty.

You are of course correct, Delroy, that capitalism contains huge amounts of high level and low level planning - from the planning done by multinational firms, to the planning done by national governments. The fact remains though - graphically demonstrated by the 2008 Crash and its aftermath , that at a global level capitalism is fundamentally chaotic, ie, unplanned, and fundamentally unplannable at a system level ,( Bretton Woods, GATT , and other temporarily "successful" international agreements, notwithstanding), given the competitive , greed driven, dynamic at its core , with unpredictable slumps and booms, including periods of completely irrational speculative frenzy ,not fully understood by anyone at any single point in time, and definitely not at a system level under anyone's full control - not even the infamous 1%. That doesn't assume capitalism is a "natural, preordained, state of economic and social life" at all. You are reading FAR too much "backstory" into the word "chaotic", Delroy, surely ? The word "chaotic" is simply a good shorthand description of capitalism as a fundamentally flawed system, run for profit not general human benefit.

The reference to "community ownership" is indeed just a "catch-all" term for all possible forms of social ownership, from nationalisation to community enterprises. And yes, of course it all needs "spelling out" in much more detail , and connected to concrete policies, ie, a manifesto . Maybe LU can borrow Syriza's old "Policy Portfolio, because they don't seem to have any use for all that irresponsible radical stuff any more , if reports of the latest Syriza party conference are accurate ! Not a good sign - given the inspiration Syriza has been to many of LU's founders !
 
I transcribed this from Andrew Kliman's talk at that Platypus event because for me it perfectly encapsulates the approach of Left Unity people:

If you think the masses need you to lead them step by step to a more advance consciousness [...] how they understand the crisis isn't important - you'll supply the understanding, but how you understand it is not important at this point either because you can't lead people around until you have their allegiance, so that becomes the all important task, winning the allegiance of people, appealing to them on the basis of where there at now, so you don't engage in rational argument and discussion but you try to inspire people, provide soundbites and illusions to social and economic problems, and you demonise 'the other': Wall Street, neoliberalism, the 1%.

So ... rational argument and discussion are not important. Indeed, they're counter-productive from this vantage point because they lead to disagreement, disunity and inaction. So the watchword is, 'keep your opinions to yourself, let's unite on the basis of actions and lowest common denominator beliefs and aspirations'.
 
I take a look at the Left Unity site if I want a laugh, I really think the level of 'debate and discussion' is that atrocious. See all the hand-wringing and upset over whether they openly call themselves a 'socialist party' or not. That in itself is just one example of 'keep your opinions to yourself, ... unite on the basis of actions and lowest common denominator beliefs and aspirations'.

But also the involvement of 'revolutionary socialists', etc. in Left Unity, which seems to wish to recreate a post-war social-democratic Labour Party, seems to be based entirely on the notion that the working class need to be won over, to have their consciousness raised, before they can be led to victory by a revolutionary party. Or something. I really can't see any reason why anybody but welfare state nostalgists would involved themselves in Left Unity, certainly not anybody who wants to end capitalism.
 
please expand, I think you will find L/U has very robust discussion and debate, at least at present.

The point is about how they approach that debate, what are the assumptions that it is based on - not how much of it there is or how robust it is. Having either loads or none, politely or aggressively - doesn't effect those assumptions.
 
I take a look at the Left Unity site if I want a laugh, I really think the level of 'debate and discussion' is that atrocious. See all the hand-wringing and upset over whether they openly call themselves a 'socialist party' or not. That in itself is just one example of 'keep your opinions to yourself, ... unite on the basis of actions and lowest common denominator beliefs and aspirations'.

But also the involvement of 'revolutionary socialists', etc. in Left Unity, which seems to wish to recreate a post-war social-democratic Labour Party, seems to be based entirely on the notion that the working class need to be won over, to have their consciousness raised, before they can be led to victory by a revolutionary party. Or something. I really can't see any reason why anybody but welfare state nostalgists would involved themselves in Left Unity, certainly not anybody who wants to end capitalism.


If they only say they want to nationalise 5 monopolies then it's reformist but if they want to nationalise 1000 then it's ultra-left.
 
I take a look at the Left Unity site if I want a laugh, I really think the level of 'debate and discussion' is that atrocious. See all the hand-wringing and upset over whether they openly call themselves a 'socialist party' or not. That in itself is just one example of 'keep your opinions to yourself, ... unite on the basis of actions and lowest common denominator beliefs and aspirations'.

But also the involvement of 'revolutionary socialists', etc. in Left Unity, which seems to wish to recreate a post-war social-democratic Labour Party, seems to be based entirely on the notion that the working class need to be won over, to have their consciousness raised, before they can be led to victory by a revolutionary party. Or something. I really can't see any reason why anybody but welfare state nostalgists would involved themselves in Left Unity, certainly not anybody who wants to end capitalism.


yeah, working class people only understand slogans like "greedy bankers" and "tax the rich".
 
I take a look at the Left Unity site if I want a laugh, I really think the level of 'debate and discussion' is that atrocious. See all the hand-wringing and upset over whether they openly call themselves a 'socialist party' or not. That in itself is just one example of 'keep your opinions to yourself, ... unite on the basis of actions and lowest common denominator beliefs and aspirations'.

But also the involvement of 'revolutionary socialists', etc. in Left Unity, which seems to wish to recreate a post-war social-democratic Labour Party, seems to be based entirely on the notion that the working class need to be won over, to have their consciousness raised, before they can be led to victory by a revolutionary party. Or something. I really can't see any reason why anybody but welfare state nostalgists would involved themselves in Left Unity, certainly not anybody who wants to end capitalism.


I'm really not optimistic about Left Unity or the prospects of the left in general, but I do feel you are being a bit harsh here. The intentions of the people who are trying to set up the new party are pretty clear, aren't they? I don't mean that their programme is sorted out. It definitely isn't. I mean that the people involved or nearly all of them share two aims:

1. They want a party that will oppose the current austerity measures.
2. They want a party that will propose and campaign for a socialist programme.

It is entirely normal that left-wingers should try to combine these two things. In other words people see both the urgency of politics and want (and see the need, as some would say) to replace capitalism. To put the same thing another way: they don't want to be a new SPGB and they also don't want to just shout 'Stop the cuts!' and then later (a little more quietly) 'Vote Labour!'

You can call opponents of the austerity measures 'welfare state nostalgists' if you like, but a movement that cannot defend existing gains is unlikely to be able to turn the world upside down! And I expect you'll agree that it's really no good just telling people in dire circumstances to wait for the revolution.

If I understand you correctly you dislike the notion that socialists (or 'revolutionaries' or 'Marxists' or Whatevers or Anarcho-Thingameewotsits) have to raise the people's consciousness before we can have a new world. I don't particularly like that language and I dislike the arrogance of some sects and leftists. (Also, if we really have to talk of 'consciousness', why does it always have to be 'raised', rather than widened or deepened?) Nevertheless, the core idea is obviously true: people have to be persuaded that there is a feasible and desirable alternative to capitalism. People are not going to make a socialist revolution of any sort unless they believe in it. People who are currently socialists (like you, I guess) obviously have a role to play in persuading others. Well, either that or... you might as well give up.
 
It also seems to constantly implied that the left (in general) should have to raise class consciousness, ie preach to the unconverted, rather than to be part of, responding to, a reflection of, class consciousness? It should be the other way around, surely? To be the political vehicle to express an already existing class consciousness. Sure all socialists and anarchists have an obligation to educate and raise consciousness, and to counter the effects of the media and other ideological controls, but it's not our job to invent or create class consciousness. That should come as a result of the material everyday needs and interests faced by working class people, individually and collectively, and if it doesn't then perhaps you should reconsider your theory rather than berate them for not getting with the program?

And like you said JHE the vocabulary we so often hear (raised being a perfect example) gives away this kind of attitude, where the the enlightened vanguard will go out to teach the proles (who hiterto are only capable of crude reformist Labourist trade union consciousness) how to unlock the Full Revolutionary Class Consciousness Xbox achievement. It's deeply condescending. The fact that we still talk in these terms after the failure of Marxist-Leninsm really shows how deep the trot rot is. Even if a lot of people might not be trots these idea's are still the currency people deal in, even Anarcho-Thingameewotsits who should know better. I blame the SWP, they helped socialise condition and educate a lot of people into thinking in this way and even people who abandoned the politics years ago still use the same words.

1. They want a party that will oppose the current austerity measures.
2. They want a party that will propose and campaign for a socialist programme.

Coming back to this for a moment, I think the decision to base what they're doing around the welfare state, social democratic Spirit of 1945 is actually quite sensible when you think about the objectives they're trying to accomplish. Not only because the welfare state is currently under attack, but because this "welfare state nostalgia" has a much wider degree of support than revolutionary left in the country. In short I'd rather be a 1945 general election re-enactment society than a 1917 revolution one. What class consciousness there is in Britain right now is overwhelmingly associated with that tradition. And that's been the case for a very long time. It's important as well to try and challenge the Labourist hegemony over the democratic socialist left ( and I mean democratic socialist in its broadest sense ie Not Stalinism) and its heritage. We have a fucking great working-class political tradition in this country and it's tied to the Labour party and it needs to be set free, people can identify politically a lot easier with these chapters from our own history than by reading Gramsci for Proles by Comrade X.

Of course that's not necessarily a good thing in the long term. There's loads of problems with welfare state and we need to have more imagination that simply "defend the NHS" or "renationalise the X monopolies" because the conditions that led to the post-war social democratic compromise that lasted until the mid 70's no longer exist. And furthermore that kind of society was not in any sense a socialist society, it was capitalism with a few socialist-inspired welfare measures and high trade union membership, all of which were fully integrated into a American led post-war capitalism. Looking to these idea's as solutions for future political schisms is a waste of time, so by all means defend what gains we made but don't let it be a straightjacket.

And ayatollah I'll reply to your post soon as I can spare some more time.
 
Delroy Booth caleb i also think trots etc (including me tbh, although i'm not a trot any more) should look at their own class consciousness before trying to tell people what to do. so many times in the sp i'd hear phrases like "when we're in government we'll do x." and people thinking that a 24 hour general strike would be the best we could hope for despite being told by people we spoke to on stalls, etc, that it wouldn't be enough. surely it's not you that will be in power, but the working class lol. (sorry for the leftist cliche)
 
I'm really not optimistic about Left Unity or the prospects of the left in general, but I do feel you are being a bit harsh here. The intentions of the people who are trying to set up the new party are pretty clear, aren't they? I don't mean that their programme is sorted out. It definitely isn't. I mean that the people involved or nearly all of them share two aims:

1. They want a party that will oppose the current austerity measures.
2. They want a party that will propose and campaign for a socialist programme.

It is entirely normal that left-wingers should try to combine these two things. In other words people see both the urgency of politics and want (and see the need, as some would say) to replace capitalism. To put the same thing another way: they don't want to be a new SPGB and they also don't want to just shout 'Stop the cuts!' and then later (a little more quietly) 'Vote Labour!'

I think the idea of forming a party that will contest elections, come into power and enact a social-democratic programme, which is what I imagine Left Unity people want, is flawed on two counts. First this party has not - will not - emerged from a mass movement, or indeed any movement, but some disaffected leftists, some Trots and Stalinoids vying for influence, and some old people who miss nice Mr. Bevan coming together. We've seen how these left-wing formations have done in the past, there's no reason to imagine it will be any different this time. Second, it seems to me to be based on an entirely flawed understanding of how the capitalist state works, and the social conditions that made social-democracy possible the first time around but which don't exist now. Somebody like Ken Loach is aware of this to an extent, and says:

But the Labour Government were social-democrats, not socialists. The reforms were popular, but they were largely accepted at the top as a way of helping capital to make money. The nationalised industries and public services created a better framework for capitalism at the time. They weren’t seen as an end in themselves, so you didn’t get investment in the state-owned industries or any kind of workers’ democracy inside them.
Because of that structure, they fell into disrepair. By Thatcher’s time, it was possible to make privatisation look like the progressive thing to do. This fitted with the fact that capitalism was in a long-term downward spiral. The profits were not there. The squeeze was on. The space for social-democratic reform had disappeared.

... which leads him to the conclusion that:

There is no middle way. A sort of compromise was possible after the war, but not now. Capitalism is out to destroy the welfare state.

[his response when asked 'how do we save the welfare state?']

The implication is that we need to go beyond capitalism to save the welfare state... something which only has any meaning within capitalist society; doesn't he realise the contradictions at the heart of what he is saying?

If I understand you correctly you dislike the notion that socialists (or 'revolutionaries' or 'Marxists' or Whatevers or Anarcho-Thingameewotsits) have to raise the people's consciousness before we can have a new world. I don't particularly like that language and I dislike the arrogance of some sects and leftists. (Also, if we really have to talk of 'consciousness', why does it always have to be 'raised', rather than widened or deepened?) Nevertheless, the core idea is obviously true: people have to be persuaded that there is a feasible and desirable alternative to capitalism. People are not going to make a socialist revolution of any sort unless they believe in it. People who are currently socialists (like you, I guess) obviously have a role to play in persuading others. Well, either that or... you might as well give up.

People didn't dream of a "feasible or desirable" alternative to feudalism in the form of capitalism though, did they? And I'd be interested to know how many Russian/German/Spanish/Hungarian/etc. workers had a clear conception of what they were struggling for. People don't fight because they have some picture of a perfect socialism in their heads, but because it's in their self-interest.

I think it's quite obvious that in our everyday lives, whether consciously or not we come into conflict with capital, even in the most minute ways. I know from personal experience, even in conservative workplaces with staff very loyal to management, people will do all they can to cut corners, waste time, extend their breaks and lighten their workload, they'll cooperate with each other to get this done. The point of this isn't that those acts are revolutionary, but that the potential for struggle is immanent to capitalist society, regardless of what people may think. Where we go from here, I'm not sure, but I'm confident that the seeds of a future society lie here, not in any recipes for future soup kitchens, or dreams of Nye and Clem.

As well as being unnecessary, I'm unsure how possible it is to talk of a "feasible and desirable alternative to capitalism". By that I mean, capital dominates our every day lives to such an extent that to imagine social relations without it is very difficult, if not impossible. If you offer an "alternative to capitalism" that's simply a more even distribution of wages and commodities, you haven't offered an alternative to capitalism, for example. What I think is far more liberating than imagining some distant alternative is realising that the categories that dominate our lives in capitalist society are historically transient: they haven't existed for the majority of human existence, and needn't exist for the rest of it. This for me says far more than any anarchoid blueprints for a federation of self-managed factories, or trot/stalinoid workers state:

In its mystified form, dialectic became the fashion in Germany, because it seemed to transfigure and to glorify the existing state of things. In its rational form it is a scandal and abomination to bourgeoisdom and its doctrinaire professors, because it includes in its comprehension and affirmative recognition of the existing state of things, at the same time also, the recognition of the negation of that state, of its inevitable breaking up; because it regards every historically developed social form as in fluid movement, and therefore takes into account its transient nature not less than its momentary existence; because it lets nothing impose upon it, and is in its essence critical and revolutionary.

http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/p3.htm
 
People didn't dream of a "feasible or desirable" alternative to feudalism in the form of capitalism though, did they? And I'd be interested to know how many Russian/German/Spanish/Hungarian/etc. workers had a clear conception of what they were struggling for. People don't fight because they have some picture of a perfect socialism in their heads, but because it's in their self-interest.

Feasible and desirable, please. Either without the other is not enough.

I'm not sure how relevant the comparison - or contrast - with the transition from feudalism to capitalism is, but it's certainly interesting. People obviously did develop ideas about the advantages of markets and private property and the disadvantages of feudal restrictions and privileges. On the other hand, there is also an enormous difference. Socialism, if we ever get it, is surely the point at which human beings become, or begin to become, able consciously to manage their common life for the benefit of the species. That was not (is not) the case with capitalism.

Certainly many many Spanish workers had for decades talked about and (from those Marxists and Anarchists) learned about ideas of a different life. There was widespread belief in an alternative to capitalism. Sadly, there isn't now.

People don't "fight" because of a "some picture of a perfect socialism", whatever that may be, but they definitely abstain from 'fighting' for or by other means trying to create a new society if they don't think there is any prospect of better society.

I think it's quite obvious that in our everyday lives, whether consciously or not we come into conflict with capital, even in the most minute ways. I know from personal experience, even in conservative workplaces with staff very loyal to management, people will do all they can to cut corners, waste time, extend their breaks and lighten their workload, they'll cooperate with each other to get this done. The point of this isn't that those acts are revolutionary, but that the potential for struggle is immanent to capitalist society, regardless of what people may think. Where we go from here, I'm not sure, but I'm confident that the seeds of a future society lie here, not in any recipes for future soup kitchens, or dreams of Nye and Clem.

Struggle is endemic to capitalism. (It may be endemic to other societies too, but OK we're talking about capitalism.) You are confident that the "seeds of a future society" lie in this conflict between capital and workers. OK, but if we can't see beyond the current society, we are not going to move beyond it.

Socialism is not going to be made by accident, is it? The question tag there is not intended rhetorically. I'm interested in whether that is in fact what you believe: that socialism will come about despite people not intending it.

As well as being unnecessary, I'm unsure how possible it is to talk of a "feasible and desirable alternative to capitalism". By that I mean, capital dominates our every day lives to such an extent that to imagine social relations without it is very difficult, if not impossible.


You have not shown that it is unnecessary and frankly I think you are clutching at straws. You seem to think we can't even think about a post-capitalist world, but somehow we are going to achieve it because workers will one way or another resist some of the pressure from their employers.

There is another famous passage from Marx, which I have not got time to look up at the moment. I can't remember where it is from, but I expect you know it. Certainly, you'll like it. The gist of it is that it does not matter what the opinion of this or that worker is. What matters is what the working class is and how it will be forced to act by the development of capitalism. (I paraphrase grossly.)

Two points about it:

a) I doubt Marx meant that it wouldn't matter at any point what workers think. I think he meant just that the development of capitalism and the struggle between workers and capital would drive people to socialist conclusions.
b) If I'm wrong about that and he was really claiming that it didn't ever matter what workers thought, (i) his political activity is difficult to understand and (ii) he was obviously wrong.

Socialism and in particular the expropriation of the means of production, the creation of new non-market means of organising production and distribution and via those means the subordination of the economic to democracy are not going to happen behind our backs. They can't. These are conscious acts or they are nothing.
 
You have not shown that it is unnecessary and frankly I think you are clutching at straws. You seem to think we can't even think about a post-capitalist world, but somehow we are going to achieve it because workers will one way or another resist some of the pressure from their employers.

I don't think I am, I wouldn't have made the point unless I believed it to be true, if it seemed I was simply grasping at straws I just didn't argue my case well enough.

My point is simply that it's very hard to offer a "feasible and desirable" alternative to capitalism that isn't simply an alternative within capitalism. So yes, the Spanish workers had (confused) ideas about what a post-capitalist society would look like - self-management, federalism, mutual aid - but it never entirely went beyond capitalist social relations. Similarly many people see an alternative to capitalism in some sort of generalised welfare state, with co-ops, nationalised industry, a state that strongly regulates finance, full employment, etc. That's fine, but it's not an alternative to capitalism.

I don't necessarily think we "can't even think about a post-capitalist world", but that we can only think and talk of it in a negative sense: what it won't be, what won't exist - wage labour, money, markets, etc. We can speculate about what this society may look like - Kropotkin and William Morris certainly did, but that's only speculation.

It's not so much that I believe a post-capitalist world will be achieved solely by workers resisting pressure from their employer, rather I think much of the left neglects this conflict exists at all. The collapse of the organised left, the attacks on the class, etc. have left the left in a position of discomfort and confusion, and they feel the need to start from scratch, to rebuild what once was and go from there, as if this fire ceased to burn without them stoking it. I think this passage from As We See It is instructive:

Meaningful action, for revolutionaries, is whatever increases the confidence, the autonomy, the initiative, the participation, the solidarity, the equalitarian tendencies and the self-activity of the masses and whatever assists in their demystification. Sterile and harmful action is whatever reinforces the passivity of the masses, their apathy, their cynicism, their differentiation through hierarchy, their alienation, their reliance on others to do things for them and the degree to which they can therefore be manipulated by others - even by those allegedly acting on their behalf.
We should work with what exists and give that shape, rather than endlessly harking back to failed projects of the past or remaining trapped in the ghetto of the left. This is also a task that requires not just 'doing something', but actually considering the past, present and future deeply and critically. It means actually understanding what capitalism is, rather than having the crude 'oh it's all neoliberalism, thatcher and blair' analysis that the left seems to have fallen into. It's the argument and discussion that Kliman was talking about, as opposed to unity based on "action and lowest common denominator beliefs and aspirations" of many leftists.

(I think that's a start, really. Personally I'm in my early 20s and very pessimistic about the future, and feel completely alienated by the left in its Trotskyist, Leninist, social democratic and even anarchist form. I'm still finding out what I believe tbh, so it's good being able to collect my thoughts.)
 
Delroy Booth caleb i also think trots etc (including me tbh, although i'm not a trot any more) should look at their own class consciousness before trying to tell people what to do. so many times in the sp i'd hear phrases like "when we're in government we'll do x." and people thinking that a 24 hour general strike would be the best we could hope for despite being told by people we spoke to on stalls, etc, that it wouldn't be enough. surely it's not you that will be in power, but the working class lol. (sorry for the leftist cliche)

"24 hour general strike NOW" was a demand of Militant. Nothing changes. :D

Now a 7 day general strike... that's much better. :cool:
 
"24 hour general strike NOW" was a demand of Militant. Nothing changes. :D

Now a 7 day general strike... that's much better. :cool:


One day strikes, One hour withdrawals of labour etc are pointless apart from giving the impression that you can protest in this blue and peasant land.
If every worker saved one days wage into a self administered strike fund for ten months then if co-ordinated, some time next year the entire workforce of the country could strike for two weeks.
Chaos ensues.:cool:
 
My first political memory is of being lectured in the early 1980s by Trotskyists about the tokenism and ineffectiveness of 1 day, one hour or other such tuc days of action.
The same people today trumpet a single days strike by selected members of a single public sector union as one step off the July days.
 
Just found out that of the many 'policy commissions' that L/U is set up, there is not one for benefits/social security/welfare, due to no one offering to convene it, this is unbelievable and I hope it gets rectified soon.
 
My first political memory is of being lectured in the early 1980s by Trotskyists about the tokenism and ineffectiveness of 1 day, one hour or other such tuc days of action.
The same people today trumpet a single days strike by selected members of a single public sector union as one step off the July days.

Situationists once described unions as "whorehouses". There is some truth to that. :D
 
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