brogdale
Coming to terms with late onset Anarchism
Yeah, you don't need a debate to call out the tory cunt.
Matthew Goodwin.....
- Thread starter cantsin
- Start date
chilango
Hypothetical Wanker
You should no platform it.
SpackleFrog
Smash showy bell-bottom pants and sporty haircuts
His mum doesn't like it when the other kids bully him
Serge Forward
Just enjoyin' my coffee.
Aaaarrrrgghhhhh!!!!!! "No platform" is NOT a verb!!!!!!!!11!!
chilango
Hypothetical Wanker
Aaaarrrrgghhhhh!!!!!! "No platform" is NOT a verb!!!!!!!!11!!
Stop cancelling me! I have the right to use it as a verb without being shouted down by the woke mob.
Serge Forward
Just enjoyin' my coffee.
SpineyNorman
Inappropriate content removed
So is Goodwin basically just a right wing hack now?
ViolentPanda
Hardly getting over it.
He'd lap up the spunk from Brenda's Corgis, if it ingratiated him further with The Establishment.
Lurdan
old wave
Lurdan
old wave
Wondered what his most recent articles were saying. Real cracker in yesterday's Mail :
MATTHEW GOODWIN: Disillusioned, disappointed, demoralised - The 14 million voters who shared Boris Johnson's vision for a post-Brexit Britain (archived)
MATTHEW GOODWIN: Disillusioned, disappointed, demoralised - The 14 million voters who shared Boris Johnson's vision for a post-Brexit Britain (archived)
It was inevitable Boris Johnson’s resignation would bring out the very worst side of his opponents.
From the megalomaniac Dominic Cummings to arch-Remainers, they made little attempt to hide their glee at having finally brought down a Prime Minister they loathe.
However, the 14 million people who, less than three years ago, voted Conservative and put Boris Johnson into power, will feel very differently. Unlike the gloating commentariat, many will feel disillusioned, disappointed and demoralised.
Because for them, despite his faults, a Johnson-led Government represented a rare chance to push forward a fresh vision of the country – one that’s good for them rather than for the sort of people who dominate the corridors of power.
The 14 million certainly wanted to Get Brexit Done and to demolish Jeremy Corbyn’s radical Left. But Johnson’s appeal ran deeper than that.
Many saw him not just as a politician but as a man offering a rarer opportunity – to push back against a political and cultural revolution that has been sweeping through the country since at least 1997, if not earlier.
Overseen by both the Left and Right – as much by David Cameron as by Tony Blair – this revolution was driven by a very specific vision of Britain. It is a Britain that is fully integrated into the EU, subservient to Brussels. It is a country open to mass immigration, with an economy built on cheap imported labour.
It is a society that is socially liberal in tastes, values and lifestyles, and which is dismissive if not disdainful of the attachments that have traditionally held the British people together, such as their national identity, strong families and sense of community.
Also, it is a world organised around a highly destabilising model of globalisation which prioritises London, graduates and big business over the wider nation and has consistently been shown by economists to impose profoundly negative effects on ordinary workers.
This revolution has dominated Britain’s politics, media and culture for many years, pushed on and aggressively promoted by urban liberal graduates – the sort of well-spoken people who also control our most important institutions.
Yet, as the evidence clearly shows, for much of the last half-century it also left millions of working British people behind, leaving them to deal with some of the sharpest regional inequalities in the Western world, the negative effects of mass immigration, higher rates of family breakdown, alcohol and drug abuse, and even lower life expectancy.
For good reason, many of these people have long felt like second-class citizens, strangers in their own country, treated with suspicion if not open contempt.
And when they do speak up, they are invariably denounced as racists, bigots, ‘Gammons’ and ‘Karens’ – a morally inferior underclass that should know its place and stay silent.
Boris Johnson’s unique talent has been to recognise and mobilise this reservoir of disillusionment in a way that no other politician could, and perhaps no other politician will ever do again.
From Stoke-on-Trent to the Southern shires, he connected powerfully with people who came from different social classes and political tribes but who all share a palpable sense that Britain is fundamentally broken. That the revolution that turned our lives upside down has completely lost its way.
This is why, unlike those who voted for John Major or David Cameron, the electorate that gave Johnson an 80-seat majority was genuinely cross-class, rooted as much in True Blue Tories as hard-working former Labour patriots.
Many of these voters never sat comfortably in the old Left and Right politics, where both Labour and Conservative politicians embraced the cultural and social revolution and looked indistinguishable from each other.
It remains a remarkable fact that until Boris Johnson, no mainstream politician with a household name had the courage to challenge the elite consensus on EU membership. There was a sense that neither the Left nor the Right really understood such people and certainly had no real interest in speaking for them. It was only through Nigel Farage, Brexit and then Boris Johnson that they found a way of ensuring their views were heard, forcing the arc of politics to bend in their direction.
Through these revolts, the 14 million made it crystal clear that they wanted to Say No to six things that have defined the country for far too long.
They want to Say No to the EU and the courts in Brussels and Strasbourg.
They want to Say No to mass immigration.
They want to Say No to a political, media and cultural class that has become too insular, self-serving and adrift from the rest of the country.
They want to Say No to a country that is built around a university-educated minority in London and the South East and which shows so little interest in everybody else.
They want to Say No to the growing influence of radical ‘woke’ progressives who routinely insist that Britain is ‘institutionally racist’, that our history, culture and centuries-old traditions are a source of shame rather than pride.
And they want to Say No to the ideology that women can become men and men can become women, and to those who use the arms of the state – schools, universities, government – to impose a stifling orthodoxy among our children and young people.
It was this much deeper groundswell which, as Johnson pointed out in his resignation speech, handed Conservatives their largest Commons majority since 1987 and the largest share of the vote since 1979, not to mention seats they had never before won in history.
Not that he was perfect. While Johnson unleashed the full power of this counter-revolution, he never really knew what to do with it.
While he delivered on his promise to Get Brexit Done, he consistently failed to seize the benefits of Brexit until it was too late.
While he reformed Britain’s deeply unpopular immigration policy, he presided over some of the highest levels of net migration ever seen in the country. While he sketched out some interesting ideas for levelling up, they remained too vague and unambitious, leaving non-graduates and apprentices wondering whether he really got it.
And while he said he was on the side of the people, he failed to run Downing Street in a way that treated those people with the respect they deserve.
For all these reasons, Johnson is now on his way out and will be judged accordingly. The Great Hope will almost certainly go down in the history books as The Great Disappointment.
But for both the Conservative Party and his eventual successor, the only way forward now is to keep the voice of those who voted for Johnson in 2019 at the very forefront of British politics.
The only way the Conservatives have a chance of holding power at the next General Election is by doubling down on their appeal to those people. And that means the working-class North as well as the affluent South.
For those 14 million turned to Boris Johnson because they believed the party he led would deliver a sustained pushback to the metropolitan revolution and start building a different Britain.
They could be convinced to do so again. But only if the Conservatives have the courage to stand up and speak authentically, loudly and convincingly on their behalf.
From the megalomaniac Dominic Cummings to arch-Remainers, they made little attempt to hide their glee at having finally brought down a Prime Minister they loathe.
However, the 14 million people who, less than three years ago, voted Conservative and put Boris Johnson into power, will feel very differently. Unlike the gloating commentariat, many will feel disillusioned, disappointed and demoralised.
Because for them, despite his faults, a Johnson-led Government represented a rare chance to push forward a fresh vision of the country – one that’s good for them rather than for the sort of people who dominate the corridors of power.
The 14 million certainly wanted to Get Brexit Done and to demolish Jeremy Corbyn’s radical Left. But Johnson’s appeal ran deeper than that.
Many saw him not just as a politician but as a man offering a rarer opportunity – to push back against a political and cultural revolution that has been sweeping through the country since at least 1997, if not earlier.
Overseen by both the Left and Right – as much by David Cameron as by Tony Blair – this revolution was driven by a very specific vision of Britain. It is a Britain that is fully integrated into the EU, subservient to Brussels. It is a country open to mass immigration, with an economy built on cheap imported labour.
It is a society that is socially liberal in tastes, values and lifestyles, and which is dismissive if not disdainful of the attachments that have traditionally held the British people together, such as their national identity, strong families and sense of community.
Also, it is a world organised around a highly destabilising model of globalisation which prioritises London, graduates and big business over the wider nation and has consistently been shown by economists to impose profoundly negative effects on ordinary workers.
This revolution has dominated Britain’s politics, media and culture for many years, pushed on and aggressively promoted by urban liberal graduates – the sort of well-spoken people who also control our most important institutions.
Yet, as the evidence clearly shows, for much of the last half-century it also left millions of working British people behind, leaving them to deal with some of the sharpest regional inequalities in the Western world, the negative effects of mass immigration, higher rates of family breakdown, alcohol and drug abuse, and even lower life expectancy.
For good reason, many of these people have long felt like second-class citizens, strangers in their own country, treated with suspicion if not open contempt.
And when they do speak up, they are invariably denounced as racists, bigots, ‘Gammons’ and ‘Karens’ – a morally inferior underclass that should know its place and stay silent.
Boris Johnson’s unique talent has been to recognise and mobilise this reservoir of disillusionment in a way that no other politician could, and perhaps no other politician will ever do again.
From Stoke-on-Trent to the Southern shires, he connected powerfully with people who came from different social classes and political tribes but who all share a palpable sense that Britain is fundamentally broken. That the revolution that turned our lives upside down has completely lost its way.
This is why, unlike those who voted for John Major or David Cameron, the electorate that gave Johnson an 80-seat majority was genuinely cross-class, rooted as much in True Blue Tories as hard-working former Labour patriots.
Many of these voters never sat comfortably in the old Left and Right politics, where both Labour and Conservative politicians embraced the cultural and social revolution and looked indistinguishable from each other.
It remains a remarkable fact that until Boris Johnson, no mainstream politician with a household name had the courage to challenge the elite consensus on EU membership. There was a sense that neither the Left nor the Right really understood such people and certainly had no real interest in speaking for them. It was only through Nigel Farage, Brexit and then Boris Johnson that they found a way of ensuring their views were heard, forcing the arc of politics to bend in their direction.
Through these revolts, the 14 million made it crystal clear that they wanted to Say No to six things that have defined the country for far too long.
They want to Say No to the EU and the courts in Brussels and Strasbourg.
They want to Say No to mass immigration.
They want to Say No to a political, media and cultural class that has become too insular, self-serving and adrift from the rest of the country.
They want to Say No to a country that is built around a university-educated minority in London and the South East and which shows so little interest in everybody else.
They want to Say No to the growing influence of radical ‘woke’ progressives who routinely insist that Britain is ‘institutionally racist’, that our history, culture and centuries-old traditions are a source of shame rather than pride.
And they want to Say No to the ideology that women can become men and men can become women, and to those who use the arms of the state – schools, universities, government – to impose a stifling orthodoxy among our children and young people.
It was this much deeper groundswell which, as Johnson pointed out in his resignation speech, handed Conservatives their largest Commons majority since 1987 and the largest share of the vote since 1979, not to mention seats they had never before won in history.
Not that he was perfect. While Johnson unleashed the full power of this counter-revolution, he never really knew what to do with it.
While he delivered on his promise to Get Brexit Done, he consistently failed to seize the benefits of Brexit until it was too late.
While he reformed Britain’s deeply unpopular immigration policy, he presided over some of the highest levels of net migration ever seen in the country. While he sketched out some interesting ideas for levelling up, they remained too vague and unambitious, leaving non-graduates and apprentices wondering whether he really got it.
And while he said he was on the side of the people, he failed to run Downing Street in a way that treated those people with the respect they deserve.
For all these reasons, Johnson is now on his way out and will be judged accordingly. The Great Hope will almost certainly go down in the history books as The Great Disappointment.
But for both the Conservative Party and his eventual successor, the only way forward now is to keep the voice of those who voted for Johnson in 2019 at the very forefront of British politics.
The only way the Conservatives have a chance of holding power at the next General Election is by doubling down on their appeal to those people. And that means the working-class North as well as the affluent South.
For those 14 million turned to Boris Johnson because they believed the party he led would deliver a sustained pushback to the metropolitan revolution and start building a different Britain.
They could be convinced to do so again. But only if the Conservatives have the courage to stand up and speak authentically, loudly and convincingly on their behalf.
(...)
brogdale
Coming to terms with late onset Anarchism
Smokeandsteam
Working Class First
Leaving aside the embarrassing title (which I read as an attempt to drive people towards payed subs for his Substack) the actual research that the article reports is important don't you think? It does suggest that both sides in the 'culture war' are expending significant energy and resource fighting it.
More importantly, it also suggest that the ideas and issues that concern those fighting the culture war emerge from two competing groups of the professional middle class and are then pushed down to the rest of us.
More importantly, it also suggest that the ideas and issues that concern those fighting the culture war emerge from two competing groups of the professional middle class and are then pushed down to the rest of us.
brogdale
Coming to terms with late onset Anarchism
That may well be the case, (looks like pretty unexceptional media studies methodology), but, as ever, it is also important to question what might motivate a right wing academic might want to promote the work of a fairly obscure US academic. Added to which we might question what motivates the selection of "woke" subject content/terms/phrases; I'm pretty sure that similarly shocking % increases over the study period could be found by entering "proud boys", "fascist scum", "nazis" etc....but those terms don't seem to fit the agenda.
Smokeandsteam
Working Class First
Have you read the actual paper? My reading of it is that research demonstrates a rise on both sides - liberals and the right. The findings are stark: there has been in the US and here a massive explosion in coverage and stories by culture war participants, who then write more content on the ‘controversy’ that their stories and coverage has created etc.
brogdale
Coming to terms with late onset Anarchism
Or, in the case of Goodwin, promote the controversy and stoke the culture war because that suits the strategy of those interests that he serves.
Smokeandsteam
Working Class First
Yeah, he’s got paid subs to his blog to sell.
Jeff Robinson
Marxist-Lentilist: Jackboots and Jackfruit
Jeff Robinson
Marxist-Lentilist: Jackboots and Jackfruit
MG is such a fucking cunt. Christ. Truly one of the most loathsome, lowlife scumbag academics out there.
nino_savatte
No pasaran!
The cunt blocked me after I questioned his cavalier use of statistics.
ska invita
back on the other side
theres only one side attacking in the culture war
Pickman's model
Starry Wisdom
How is Goodwin ever going to atone?
DotCommunist
So many particulars. So many questions.
goodwin basically flatters the powerful using context free numbers and the assumed historical ignorance on behalf of the people he's sucking off. I'm not sure he believes any of this akshurley bollocks he comes out with, just amoral and wants money.
Smokeandsteam
Working Class First
That’s my take too. He’s an academic, so I’d assume that he knows that a) Lineker et al are not ‘a new elite’ but instead represent a particular strain of the Professional Middle Class and that b) the idea that there used to be a synergy between the values and priorities of the ‘masses’ and the elite is risible given that any serious appraisal of the nineteenth and twentieth century would point to the central fissure of class as a field of conflict.
He has got a book to promote I note…
What I will say is that Goodwin’s Twitter does suggest the political degeneration from a commentator on the culture war to a participant in it. Again, it seems a largely financially driven shift to push money to his polling company and substack
Last edited:
Similar threads
