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How does the idea of 8+ more years of Conservative rule grab you? What does it mean for the left?

But you just said you know that you can't really change Labour - that you're only in the LP in order to be able to talk to 8m people. And then when you do talk to them you plan to lie.

Why is it ok for you to lie like this?

I want Labour to return to its founding claim to represent the interests of working people. I think Labour can be changed *to this extent*. However, I don't think it can make good on this claim as long as it remains wedded to capitalism and bourgeois democracy - and I don't think that even a significant left component can just take over the leadership and break this fundamental limit to what Labour actually represents. But the process of pushing Labour to even lay claim to a class politics - alongside extra-parliamentary struggle - can help to revive a significant mass movement that might form the basis of a new left alternative.

Is this lying?
 
They don't *have* influence directly - only the threat of withdrawing the funds needed by the party would give them that influence. They have *potential* influence. That potential needs to be actualised.
Tortured genius. The unions didn't ever once look close to leaving the party they set up over a century of diminishing influence but would consider it over a potential growth of their influence.

And your argument that the labour party is a workers party rests on the idea that the unions have influence within and a say on the party. As ever you want your cake and to eat it too.
 
I want Labour to return to its founding claim to represent the interests of working people. I think Labour can be changed *to this extent*. However, I don't think it can make good on this claim as long as it remains wedded to capitalism and bourgeois democracy - and I don't think that even a significant left component can just take over the leadership and break this fundamental limit to what Labour actually represents. But the process of pushing Labour to even lay claim to a class politics - alongside extra-parliamentary struggle - can help to revive a significant mass movement that might form the basis of a new left alternative.

Is this lying?

If is if you're only working to "expose" Labour, like you said earlier.
 
an answer from Butchers came there none...
This is pretty shitty from you on a number of levels. First, the logical - to recognise the gaps, limitations, contradictions and plain wrongness of your position it doesn't require an alternative position to be put forward - unless you are arguing that your scenario is somehow inevitable reality. Second, you know very well what my answers are - the formation of community union type groups around locally identified w/c needs and solutions which necessarily bring them into direct challenge with labour rather than directing their energy and ideas into labour:

We could form 'community unions', possibly funded by trade unions but with organisational independence assured, unconnected to Labour that would work directly on helping to meet the needs of those politically abandoned working-class communities where conditions are deteriorating by the day. These would be based around the self-identified needs and plans of those communities - which can only pit them head-to-head against the BNP and the political mainstream.

The types of small victories that can be won on this terrain should be viewed not only as being worthwhile in themselves, but also as contributing to the re-emergence of community confidence in political self-assertion, the necessary first steps towards achieving further-reaching change. There are already existing groups engaged in this sort of practical activity, such as the London Coalition Against Poverty, Haringey Solidarity and the Oxford and Islington Working Class Associations.

The need for these to be open membership union-type organisations rather than party membership-type groups is a simple practical one. People will join unions at work as they recognise collective needs that exist over and above the heads of political disagreements, and the same is true of community needs. And once there is widespread identification (even passive) of the needs of an area/workplace with the existence of a union it becomes very hard to shift; that identification becomes a power in itself. Parties are too narrow to play this role under today's conditions - they exist on a different level - but there is no reason why they cannot play a role within these broader open groups.

But you don't like that sort of thing when it happens despite a purely rhetorical commitment to them - see the outraged response when even a challenge as wet as the greens came in Barking. Well remember the spluttering anger at daring to stand against labour.

Thirdly, you haven't actually suggested anything yourself (you've taken a number of contradictory positions but that's a different matter). All you have said is that unions should make labour nicer - on the basis that the unions are somehow to the left of the party leadership thereby ignoring their own role in producing modern day labour party neo-liberalism, and also ignoring the extensive list of blocks to this occurring that you trotted out earlier in relation to the LRC fantasy of taking over the labour party leadership.
 
I want Labour to return to its founding claim to represent the interests of working people. I think Labour can be changed *to this extent*. However, I don't think it can make good on this claim as long as it remains wedded to capitalism and bourgeois democracy - and I don't think that even a significant left component can just take over the leadership and break this fundamental limit to what Labour actually represents. But the process of pushing Labour to even lay claim to a class politics - alongside extra-parliamentary struggle - can help to revive a significant mass movement that might form the basis of a new left alternative.

Is this lying?

What are you going to push with?
 
The types of small victories that can be won on this terrain should be viewed not only as being worthwhile in themselves, but also as contributing to the re-emergence of community confidence in political self-assertion, the necessary first steps towards achieving further-reaching change. There are already existing groups engaged in this sort of practical activity, such as the London Coalition Against Poverty, Haringey Solidarity and the Oxford and Islington Working Class Associations.

All very well but how many people are we talking about here - 200? What's the strategy for upscaling - given that the small breakthroughs made by Oxford IWCA haven't really been sustained.

But you don't like that sort of thing when it happens despite a purely rhetorical commitment to them - see the outraged response when even a challenge as wet as the greens came in Barking. Well remember the spluttering anger at daring to stand against labour.
The middle class Green party is an example of this "sort of thing"? Anyway, my point was about the tactical wisdom of splitting the anti-BNP vote in that context (not a general carte blanche for Labour).

All you have said is that unions should make labour nicer
No I've said they should break from 100+ years of historical precedent by organising on an independent political basis and agreeing to support and fund Labour candidates ONLY where those candidates agree to a basic set of pro w/c demands, whilst reserving the right to run/fund/support other candidates where this isn't the case.
This instance on seeing unions as part and parcel of neoliberalism is a refusal to recognise the contradictions at the heart of the organised Labour movement as historically constituted and developed. Your crude analysis is the night in which all cows are black.
 
expose Labour in the course of trying to change it
Kill it in the course of trying to cure it. You surely must be able to see what a lot of bollocks this is. If you can't, that's probably because you're just as good at lying to yourself as you are at lying to others.
 
All very well but how many people are we talking about here - 200? What's the strategy for upscaling - given that the small breakthroughs made by Oxford IWCA haven't really been sustained.

No, there are 10s of thousands of people doing this activity individually or collectively day-in-day out, organising tenants associations, against social housing sell offs, in defence of schools, swiming pools libraries and so on - i can see why you feel the need to tie it to some single organisation so you can dismiss it but sorry, there's no requirement to tie it down like that. Upscaling? Well the argument is that success breeds success - a few real victories communicated well achieves far more in terms of encouraging others and in showing what approaches can get results than thousand of the sort of historical materialism conferences no matter how personally interesting.

The middle class Green party is an example of this "sort of thing"? Anyway, my point was about the tactical wisdom of splitting the anti-BNP vote in that context (not a general carte blanche for Labour).

The labour response (and yours in particular) are perfect examples of how you respond to a weak soppy challenge - imagine how you'd respond to a real challenge on class terms. I'd guess people like you would try to recuperate the language and forms of the challenge whilst emptying it of any real significance.

No I've said they should break from 100+ years of historical precedent by organising on an independent political basis and agreeing to support and fund Labour candidates ONLY where those candidates agree to a basic set of pro w/c demands, whilst reserving the right to run/fund/support other candidates where this isn't the case.
This instance on seeing unions as part and parcel of neoliberalism is a refusal to recognise the contradictions at the heart of the organised Labour movement as historically constituted and developed. Your crude analysis is the night in which all cows are black.

They should? How very magnanimous of you to allow them to do so! Again, you're setting off from the assumption the unions are to the left of the labour party leadership - they they want to support clear unambiguous pro w/c candidates (ignoring for now the appalling parliamentary cretinism that this represents despite your undoubtedly coming claim that you encourage extra-parlimentary activity as well) and to run candidates against labour if they can't. They don't want this - their model is simple and one that, in their terms has worked very well, get labour back into power and then use their influence within the party to effect govt policy. That's it - there's no wider desire or demand to push labour to the left, to expose the political leadership of the parties (or of their own leaders - which is another reason that this is a non-starter, you've been trapped by the idiot phrase astonishing tactical error of supporting the labour party like the rope supports the hanged man, as if the party wouldn't know how to respond) or to put public class politics back on the table. There's no desire to throw away what influence this set up allows them. As ever with your errors there's an original misconception that everything else flows from, on this occasion it's a shocking one about what the unions want.
 
it's not a case of kill or cure - it's about releasing what was historically valuable in the emergence of the Labour party from all the shit that it got mired in.
 
with the financial muscle of hundreds of thousands of union members affiliation fees, without which Labour would be flat broke.
Oh you mean the money that the unions are already handing over to labour in a situation where (as you have it - wrongly) they have no power or influence - so why do you think they'd threaten to withhold it if they did gain a measure of power or influence. And threaten to withhold it in order to do what exactly? Union bosses feet back under the top table - that's it.

More to the point, as the next general election approaches money from business will start to flow back into your workers party once more - the bosses aren't are mad as you.
 
No, there are 10s of thousands of people doing this activity individually or collectively day-in-day out, organising tenants associations, against social housing sell offs, in defence of schools, swiming pools libraries and so on - i can see why you feel the need to tie it to some single organisation so you can dismiss it but sorry, there's no requirement to tie it down like that. Upscaling? Well the argument is that success breeds success - a few real victories communicated well achieves far more in terms of encouraging others and in showing what approaches can get results than thousand of the sort of historical materialism conferences no matter how personally interesting.

If you're talking on that level, there's no need to play off community activism against party politics - in fact many of the above examples will often have involved, sometimes quite centrally, party activists. But as you well know national (and global) problems need to be taken up at the level of the state and so a political party, or something new resembling one, will be needed.

you're setting off from the assumption the unions are to the left of the labour party leadership - they they want to support clear unambiguous pro w/c candidates

No - don't read my rejection of your blanket "the unions are mired in neoliberalism" to mean "the unions are irreconcilable bastions of militancy". But the authority of the Labour leadership, and with it their own leadership, is diminished in the eyes of tens of thousands of union members by the kind of development represented by the Balls strategy. They don't even get their beer and sandwiches any more. There are cracks opening up. They might be surface level. But they might be levered open.
 
Oh you mean the money that the unions are already handing over to labour in a situation where (as you have it - wrongly) they have no power or influence - so why do you think they'd threaten to withhold it if they did gain a measure of power or influence. And threaten to withhold it in order to do what exactly? Union bosses feet back under the top table - that's it.

More to the point, as the next general election approaches money from business will start to flow back into your workers party once more - the bosses aren't are mad as you.
They did get something in days gone by - not power and influence exactly - but a bit of recognition and a few chunks of meat. The way they are treated now is an embarrasment for the union leaderships. Witholding money is the last gasp chance to take back some measure of influence. To get Labour back to something approaching it's historic claim to representing the interests of the majority.
 
They did get something in days gone by - not power and influence exactly - but a bit of recognition and a few chunks of meat. The way they are treated now is an embarrasment for the union leaderships. Witholding money is the last gasp chance to take back some measure of influence. To get Labour back to something approaching it's historic claim to representing the interests of the majority.

Why would they withhold money at the moment though? They're not stupid, McClusky and Prentis recognise that within the current paradigm Milband and Balls have to be seen to accept the wisdom about cutting spending and reducing the deficit to seem electable, and that they need to demonstrate their independence for Labour to have a chance of winning in 2015 - just as McClusky and Prentis have to criticise them publically for that in order to appease their own activist base, while at the same time it gives McClusky an extra filip in his merger overtures to Serwotka et al.

It's the game of politics which they all have to play - and I don't believe you don't know that.

The fact is that how ever weak a Labour government might be in 2015 and however rightwing it will still be "better" than a Tory one for union leaderships.
 
What about bob crow, serwotka etc? Im not disagreeing with any of what you guys are saying, but quite a few unions have disaffiliated from Labour (or were never involved with Labour in the first place such as the British Medical Association etc who are now taking on a more union-like role).
 
Why would they withhold money at the moment though? They're not stupid, McClusky and Prentis recognise that within the current paradigm Milband and Balls have to be seen to accept the wisdom about cutting spending and reducing the deficit to seem electable, and that they need to demonstrate their independence for Labour to have a chance of winning in 2015 - just as McClusky and Prentis have to criticise them publically for that in order to appease their own activist base, while at the same time it gives McClusky an extra filip in his merger overtures to Serwotka et al.

It's the game of politics which they all have to play - and I don't believe you don't know that.

The fact is that how ever weak a Labour government might be in 2015 and however rightwing it will still be "better" than a Tory one for union leaderships.

For a start I don't think Prentis is in the same place as McCluskey - for him you're probably right, although I can see the debate on affiliation opening up beneath him. McCluskey has said that he doesn't think that Labour makes itself more electable by embracing austerity - he thinks its self-defeating quite apart from anything else - why vote Labour if it's not offering anything different? I'm not saying he's going to go full tilt for disaffiliation - he won't. But what he could do is use the threat of selective funding of candidates to make clear to the leadership that they've crossed a line. The UNITE/PCS merger could be very significant in political terms.
 
it's not a case of kill or cure - it's about releasing what was historically valuable in the emergence of the Labour party from all the shit that it got mired in.
So we're back with you admitting that you are trying to fundamentally change Labour, despite already knowing that you can't succeed.
 
For a start I don't think Prentis is in the same place as McCluskey - for him you're probably right, although I can see the debate on affiliation opening up beneath him. McCluskey has said that he doesn't think that Labour makes itself more electable by embracing austerity - he thinks its self-defeating quite apart from anything else - why vote Labour if it's not offering anything different? I'm not saying he's going to go full tilt for disaffiliation - he won't. But what he could do is use the threat of selective funding of candidates to make clear to the leadership that they've crossed a line. The UNITE/PCS merger could be very significant in political terms.

Unite is interested in government investment in infrastructure projects, and bringing industry into the UK - I don't see why Miliband and Balls will not offer that nearer the election in order to buy back Unite. A Unite/PCS merger could be signigicant in pulling Unite to the left, but don't forget just because Serwotka is a lefty doesn't mean there are not strong rightwing currents within his union, and unlike McClusky he does not have a big group of powerful fulltimers backing him.

The thing to remember is not only do the union tops not represent some mythical Labour Left on the whole, neither do many of the Labour Party partisans in the union rank and files - indeed they are often the bedrock of the 'moderate' wing especially in Unison, but also in Unite and the PCS - and whether left or right they are partisans of the party - loyalists who will never see an alternative, certainly they are more committed to the party than some of your Compass/Red Pepper etc mateswho represent a tiny liberal/left/green pluralistic fraction who are interested in politics for it's own sake in a way your average party activist or trade union rank and filer isn't.
 
What about bob crow, serwotka etc? Im not disagreeing with any of what you guys are saying, but quite a few unions have disaffiliated from Labour (or were never involved with Labour in the first place such as the British Medical Association etc who are now taking on a more union-like role).

What about them? The fact that they have either disafilliated or never affiliated means the party doesn't have to listen to them any more or less than the other parties do, which doesn't mean they won't court them or cooperate with them if it suits them.
 
The thing to remember is not only do the union tops not represent some mythical Labour Left on the whole, neither do many of the Labour Party partisans in the union rank and files - indeed they are often the bedrock of the 'moderate' wing especially in Unison, but also in Unite and the PCS - and whether left or right they are partisans of the party - loyalists who will never see an alternative, certainly they are more committed to the party than some of your Compass/Red Pepper etc mateswho represent a tiny liberal/left/green pluralistic fraction who are interested in politics for it's own sake in a way your average party activist or trade union rank and filer isn't.

well, I do recognise this picture - but this people aren't unthinking automatons - they know they're left empty handed in terms of an offer to the electorate at the moment. I'm not saying there'll be a headlong rush for the door. There won't. But there will be increasing questions about affiliation and initatives to make the party offer something to its core vote, and utilising their financial influence to yield concessions.
 
Impossible, you are stuck between a rock and a hard place, when the public see's labour in full on 'red mode' it scares the pants off them and as now happens they cant see any difference between tory and labour so those who can be bothered to vote have their very own 'comfort zone'

Frankly, you're a fucking idiot.
No-one under the age of 40 has seen Labour in anything approaching a "red" incarnation. "White with a touch of cherry blossom", maybe, but anything beyond that? Don't kid yourself. You might believe the media tropes about "the winter of discontent" and all that bollocks, but you've got no excuse to. You lived through it and know that 50% of what got printed was scare-mongering bollocks. It just suits your personal politics to make a simplistic red/blue distinction.
As for now, why will people vote if all they get is a shit sandwich, albeit with a slightly different garnish, whoever they vote for?
 
He tells different stories to different audiences. He's about as "left" as a right testicle.
There's a long tradition of sincere leftist professional politicians and intellectuals bullshitting all over the shop, though. Leftism isnät necessarly sincere, or in favour of telling the truth to the working class. In fact, in many (most?) left groups lying to your audience is pretty much the normal way of doing business.
 
There's a long tradition of sincere leftist professional politicians and intellectuals bullshitting all over the shop, though. Leftism isnät necessarly sincere, or in favour of telling the truth to the working class. In fact, in many (most?) left groups lying to your audience is pretty much the normal way of doing business.

Oh, I don''t disagree with what you say, I just don't see articul8 as "left", but rather as a centrist par excellence.
 
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