He's been involved in real-life politics, high level state governing style politics etc for over a decade.
To reduce the issue down to the career path of individuals is a facile misreading of the situation though.
Care to expand with any facts?
He's been involved in real-life politics, high level state governing style politics etc for over a decade.
To reduce the issue down to the career path of individuals is a facile misreading of the situation though.
I don't think he has been sitting in an ivory tower though, has he? Didn't he do a lot of work for Steam on their internal economics?
Like I said, there's a lot of propaganda and bullshit in circulation about this stuff.
Like I said, there's a lot of propaganda and bullshit in circulation about this stuff.
You mean the Greeks are only pretending to capitulate?
i would of thought, at least of all, you would of realised this was all a game.
You mean the Greeks are only pretending to capitulate?
I mean both sides have every motivation to spin the fuck out of whatever it was they agreed at the end of last week, which as far as I'm aware still isn't entirely clear.
The non-bullshit key bits - the stuff that will set the context for internal greek political/social reaction rather the minutiae and individuals some want to concentrate on.As you say, time will tell.
If anyone has a good link to a factual account of what was actually agreed I'd be grateful.
A non-hysterical interpretation of what it means for the immediate future would also be nice, but that's probably too much to ask.
Everything I could find yesterday and this morning looks like someone's PR bullshit.
https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2015/02/20/troika-grexit-or-plan-b/The danger now is that Syriza will agree to a compromise with the EU leaders that ‘saves’ Greek and Euro capitalism at the expense of little or no improvement in the conditions for the bulk of Greek people. All that does is postpone the crunch between reversing austerity and the interests of Capital, without a Plan B in the interests of Labour.
And a few other important things:Cheers, that's better than most of what I've been seeing.
On the ‘management’ side are the Troika—the European Commission, the IMF, and European Central Bank, and its apparently delegated bargaining team of Eurozone finance ministers, gathered in Brussels. On the ‘labor’ side are the representatives of the Greek party, Syriza, its president, Alexis Tsipras, and Greece’s finance minister, Yanis Varoufakis. Behind the Troika stand their constituency—the Euro bankers, US and global hedge funds, private equity firms (aka shadow bankers) and big individual capitalist investors. . Behind Tsipras and Varoufakis, the overwhelming majority of the rank and file Greek people. It all has a very class character, in appearance and in fact.
First, Greece can default on existing debt payments that start coming due in March and can refuse to continue to abide by terms of the old debt-austerity agreement in the interim—a kind of a ‘work slowdown’—while leaving open an offer to continue to negotiate. Or it can announce it is going to leave the Euro, and break off negotiations, unless and until the Troika requests a return to the table to discuss new terms based on Greece’s proposed new agenda of renegotiate debt but not the ending of austerity. The latter event, a Greek exit, would represent a kind of a ‘strike’ alternative.
Second, the Troika and its finance ministers can refuse to agree to any of the temporary bridge loans Greece has requested, refuse to negotiate any further, and allow a run on Greek banks to occur in the interim as a way to pressure Greece back to the bargaining table on its terms. This, in effect, implements a kind of a management ‘lock out’.
Neither ‘strike’ nor ‘lock-out’ is likely at this juncture, nor even on March 1 and the expiration of the current ‘contract’.
The third scenario is that both the Troika and Greece continue to negotiate past the February 28 deadline, but with no bridge loan provided by the Troika and with Greece making no payments on past debt. At the same time, Greece continues to proceed with dismantling austerity, but without declaring an exit from the Euro. In this most likely scenario, both sides agree to behind the scenes arrangements, not apparent to the public, designed to keep Greek banks temporarily afloat as they keep talking.
Source above, previous article:
https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2015/02/20/troika-grexit-or-plan-b/
And a few other important things:
Greece has achieved several things:
- Greece is no longer required to achieve a primary budget surplus of 3% this year. Only budget balance is required.
- The “contract” which runs over four months is explicitly designated as a transition to a new contract, which of course remains to be defined.
- The ‘Troika’ no longer exists as an institution, although each component continues to exist. Thus it is the end of the ‘men in black’ coming to dictate terms to Athens.
- Greece can now write it own agenda of reforms, and she’ll write them herself. The institutions will give their opinion, but they will not be able make particular reforms an urgent requirement for Athens.
- A more discreet advantage is that the Greek Government has broken the Eurogroup’s facade of unanimity and forced Germany to unveil its position.
I'm doing alright - the director of studies at School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences in Paris since 1996, the director of the CEMI-EHESS (Centre for the Study of Modes of Industrialisation), also in Paris. Also visiting professor at the Moscow School of Economics and serving on the editorial boards of the Journal of Comparative East-West Studies and the Review of Geography, Economy and Society and, finally, a contributing editor to World Oil magazine.Laughable. You are bereft of knowledge about contract law altogether.
I'm doing alright - the director of studies at School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences in Paris since 1996, the director of the CEMI-EHESS (Centre for the Study of Modes of Industrialisation), also in Paris. Also visiting professor at the Moscow School of Economics and serving on the editorial boards of the Journal of Comparative East-West Studies and the Review of Geography, Economy and Society and, finally, a contributing editor to World Oil magazine.