Jeff Robinson
Marxist-Lentilist: Jackboots and Jackfruit
that hurt my eyeballs.
I like the way that the one out of the four who could otherwise pass off as a normal human being is wearing a t shirt that makes him look like a nazi.
that hurt my eyeballs.
er, that's the point I'm making.The logic is evidently working backwards. It's not possible to provide food, water, shelter and toilets for several hundred people for several hours so they don't bother; how about if they can't look after the people in their ad-hoc custody then they shouldn't imprison them in the first place.
I'm using the same logic the police use when they don't want an event to happen - ie put so many conditions on the organisers that they end up deciding that they won't do it because it's too much hastle.
Hard to be sure, but not only could the police be ready the day before, they could provide the minimum required, ie., a lot less that 50-100 portaloos, boxes of food etc.How hard do you think it is for the police to bring in 50-100 portaloos, drinking water bowser, water proofs and food for several thousand people?
it's doable, but very difficult at short notice, so IMO it would effectively lead to the use of a kettle becoming at worst a very short lived thing - ie not more than a couple of hours, which IMO has to be a major improvement on the current 8-10 hours.
No, but the previous lawsuit invoked Article 5, and it's a fair bet that Liberty et al will be singing its praises and invoking it again if another lawsuit be launched.what I'm talking about has nothing whatsoever to do with any human rights act (unless I'm missing something major).
We've been talking a lot about the G20 protests this week and been mulling over a number of points. Namely, police tactics and what the point of it all was?
Former Met assistant commissioner Andy Hayman defended police use of the 'kettle' last week in the Times. The kettle is basically a cordon of police - 'normal' or in riot gear - who surround groups of demonstrators, or any other 'troublesome' group, keeping them in one place for hours at a time. The idea is that eventually the people within the kettle get tired or bored and just want to go home. But its effect is to tar thousands of people - including people who just happen to be in the wrong place at the wrong time - with the same brush as a tiny handful of idiots hellbent on violence and destruction.
Commander Simon O'Brien said: "those who wanted to leave could, and those who wanted to stay and make their point, we facilitated that" and that by the end, those who remained wanted to be there. Not actually true. The Guardian reported reported parents wanting to go pick up their children, others in tears, refused permission to leave. Some escaped when police lines broke, but others were gradually released only if they gave their names, addresses and had their photograph taken. Nobody is legally obliged to do this, but anyone who refused was sent back into the cordon for daring to exercise their legal right to protest and privacy.
Tom Whipple in The Times said, "if I were to design a system to provoke and alienate, I could not do better". All a kettle does is create the very violence it's supposed to stop. It immediately sets up an 'us versus them' situation and tips the balance in favour of a backlash. After all, if you're already being treated like a criminal, why not behave like one?
In his article Andy Hayman talks about 'snatch squads', a quick smash and grab into a crowd to pluck out someone identified as a troublemaker. Why detain thousands when between 40 and 200 have been singled out as violent? Why not arrest the people they're after and let everyone else go? I suspect they don't because there wouldn't be anything to charge them with; is one side-effect of a kettle that it superheats the atmosphere to such a degree that it brings out any latent violence, providing a reason for arrest? It certainly doesn't stop it full stop: witness the mini riot at London Bridge on Wednesday night and the destruction that occured after the kettle was lifted at Oxford Circus in 2001. But again, it's worth stopping to wonder if that violence would always have happened, or was it partly created by police tactics?
But even if we were to accept, just for a moment, that kettles stop violence, what possible justification is there for its use on the Climate Camp? No eyewitnesses spotted anything other than fluffy loveliness down at Bishopsgate. In fact, during my wander through the camp I saw a small group of friends who'd clearly come down after work and were just opening up a bottle of red wine to enjoy in the remaining afternoon sunshine. It made me wish I'd been as organised. Though since a cordon was thrown up an hour later and the riot police sent in, it's probably just as well I wasn't. And as Bishopsgate had been open to pedestrians the entire afternoon, how many onlookers were caught up?
Yes, the camp blocked off a major City thoroughfare. But Climate Camp organisers say they'd been trying to talk to the Met for weeks. The Met denied all knowledge. Clearly somebody's lying here. Were the police ever interested in engaging with the demonstrators? Or was the intention to intimidate and justify the media frenzy that happened in the lead-up to the protests?
And the final problem with kettles: people get hurt. We still have to see whether the police did play a role in Ian Tomlinson's death, but how can they expect to wade into crowds (of mainly peaceful protesters and bystanders, let's not forget) with batons, or dogs, and not cause injury? Another little discussed tactic of a kettle is to squeeze protesters into an increasingly small space, until there's no room to move or - sometimes - breathe. It's a miracle nobody's ever got seriously hurt at one of these things.
And ultimately, what did any of it achieve? Did the protesters get their message across or was it drowned out by panic over anarchists and pictures of smashed windows? There was certainly little impact on the G20 leaders themselves, particularly on climate change. I would suggest all the police achieved was to destroy their relationship with thousands of members of the public.
However, it might be nice to end on a positive note. Yes, there is one. On my wander through the Climate Camp I overheard conversations by lots of non-protesting Londoners who were there, I suspect, to laugh at the hippies. But they were stunned - in a good way - at the organisation and genial atmosphere. At the music and the dancing. At the ingenuity and decoration.
If Climate Camp managed to change these people's minds about the nature of protest, if it planted a seed of doubt that might germinate the next time they see TV pictures of 'violent' protests, then it might be worth it. The more people see for themselves the true nature of these events, in time we might be able to stop discussing disproportionate police tactics because they wouldn't have the tacit backing of the general public.
So go on: spread the word.
He's a liar. I asked several times if I could leave and was told - in no uncertain terms - that I could not.Commander O'Brien's statement that "Those who wanted to leave could" directly contradicts the protestors' account.
He's a liar. I asked several times if I could leave and was told - in no uncertain terms - that I could not.
at least one of the liaison meetings was held in the office of a Lib Dem MP at the House of Commons!
Not 'at least one', but the only meeting. Which was also not agreed by the camp process, just the media team...
A quick question:
At these events, are the police express roughly the same levels of violence, and has the press reporting of their violence changed over the past few years at all?
A quick question:
At these events, are the police express roughly the same levels of violence, and has the press reporting of their violence changed over the past few years at all?
A quick question:
At these events, are the police express roughly the same levels of violence, and has the press reporting of their violence changed over the past few years at all?
Friend of mine who has been involved in the camps since day one, ex-RTSAccording to who?
yes but the whole damned thing didn't happen because of a lucky bunch of coincidences either. iyswim?Friend of mine who has been involved in the camps since day one, ex-RTS
Having captured all this, we decide it is time to head home, and here our troubles begin. Every road that leads away from the Bank of England is blocked by thick lines of police officers, letting no one in or out. When we ask why, their responses—from “maybe someone’s been hurt. Or maybe someone’s been silly” to “you’re not allowed to go through because we’ve taken control of the streets today”—are uniformly unsatisfactory.
The crowd behind us begins to swell, as does its frustration. One man pleads to be let through because he is diabetic and has no food or insulin with him. The officers are unyielding. It is an “absolute cordon” and no one is going anywhere. Scrabbling around in our bags and appealing to the crowd, we manage to scrounge together a banana and a chocolate bar but he is shaky.
Then the mood shifts. People start shoving. Suddenly there are shouts and the protesters behind us begin to surge forward in an attempt to storm the cordon. Propelled forward, we end up crushed first against the policemen, then against a van, pinned between riot police and demonstrators. The woman next to me begins to hyperventilate.
Then, just as suddenly as it started, it stops.
Not North Korea -- where something a darn sight worse than being filmed or spending a night in the cells would befall you -- but not a free England either.Three people, having a convsations out side a busy railway station - 'move!' -what is this? north korea? a gob smacked commuter came over to ask what was going on and was also filmed.
And the worst part is, given all they've had to endure, I sort of see where they're coming from.
This is a direct consequence of 40 years of withdrawing the police from the streets and transforming constables into gendarmes who serve our ruling elite. Officers are simultaneously granted excessive powers and burdened with bureaucracy that makes it impossible to bring criminals to book.
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What I get when I talk to long serving (or even moderately serving) coppers is the frustration they feel at the PACE merry-go-round that sees crooks routinely walk. Far from not having the evidence, even when they have more than enough evidence for a prima facie case, PACE and the CJA 1994 compels them to interview, which often involves waiting hours for a solicitor. That's just one example of bureaucracy, and it could all go to waste at the whim of the CPS.Oh the poor wee lambs having to carry things and do paperwork to show that they're hassling people for a reason not just because they 'know' they're guilty.
Some officers might have "naturally authoritarian instincts". Many don't, and just want criminals brought to book. The common law used to facilitate this. Any serious campaign to restore civil liberties has to get at least some of the police on side. The great thing is, by abolishing PACE, charging promptly on a prima facie standard, and gaoling first-time around, order could be achieved without compromising liberty. The two go hand-in-hand.Nah - its a direct reuslt of allowing the police to follow their naturally authouritarian instincts.
http://uk.news.yahoo.com/blog/talking_politics/article/11432/The police have new tactics and they're not afraid to use them
Those attending the G20 protests this weekend have come back with complaints about the tactical manoeuvre employed by the police, known as 'kettling'. The protestors had not been around the Bank of England very long - perhaps just an hour - before police sealed off all exits and prevented anyone else from joining them. More frustratingly for those within the cordon - including parents with their children - they were not allowed to leave.
politics.co.uk was at the protest and reported back similar concerns. It is, however, very difficult to get any information from the police about when and why the strategy is implemented.
Neither Acpo, nor the Met, nor Scotland Yard itself were willing to discuss the scenarios in which they activate the power.
But some information can be garnered from a legal case brought against the police by two people - one of them a protestor, one of them a member of the public - who were caught up in a similar operation during the May Day riots in 2001 around Oxford Circus.
One challenge asked whether the power was permissible at common law. This challenge failed at the Court of Appeal on the basis that it was permissible in order to prevent a breach of the peace.
The second asked whether it contravened article five of the European Convention of Human Rights, which guarantees the liberty of the person. The case went to the High Court before reaching the House of Lords. They ruled in January this year that the practise could not be described as detention because it was conducted in the interest of public safety.
Last Wednesday was the first real opportunity for the police to use the powers without legal concerns. Legal experts do, however, expect the case to be taken to Strasbourg, to the European Court of Human Rights.
The House of Lords judgement, which was contingent on public safety, opens up a wide array of situations in which the police can legitimately use the powers. After all, almost any demonstrations can potentially turn into a situation which threatens public safety. In this case, the police had a stronger case than usual - there had been rumours running up to the event that a small group of demonstrators would use the event as an excuse to provoke trouble.
But the growing consensus from those on the march - including parliamentary observers, journalists, and demonstrators themselves - is that the strategy carries overtones of criminalisation. Several people attending the protest said they felt as if they were being punished for being there....
...If the IPCC find [Tomlinson's] death was related to violence from police, the surrounding coverage will be such that the entire police operation that day will be brought in for public scrutiny. Some politicians, such as Liberal Democrat MP David Howarth, are already calling for a full inquest with a jury. If they find otherwise, it's very likely the tactic will not face sustained questioning until that potential case in Strasbourg.