Strange times when a "bounce" still leaves the vermin 28% behind...
Tuesday & Wednesday; better tweet:It's got Truss in the photo. When was the data collected?
The Truss-effect appears to be quite persistent:
Tactical voters who will vote for anyone but Tory to keep them outWho the hell is still voting for the Libdems?
2010Tactical voters who will vote for anyone but Tory to keep them out
Just revving up my broken record on this though, I do think Labour's empty suit/lack of policies/lack of alternative positioning and identity is going to be a major factor in 2024. Labour will also lose just about every televised debate as well, because they've nothing to say. Pointless doing % predictions, but I could see it being something like Labour winning the popular vote by something like 38% to 36%. What is even beyond my pointless speculation is how much the Libdems will get in England. That could be quite important, for example if the pattern is Lab beating the tories in the north and libdems winning various bits of the South and West.The massive tax rises and spending cuts are going to fuck the tories even more. Definitely possible that they are in for an even bigger meltdown than 1997.
In 1997 Labour won 43% so the same as in that poll. The Lib Dems 16.8% and the Tories 30%, in the above poll they are on 8% while the Greens take up 6%. Currently the Tories are about 29% so there and there abouts.this is fucked up if true...add in voter suppression and uk's limited democracy looks to be taking a massive step backwards
...and if is true would proportional representation address the problem?
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only a kind of PR that I don't think anywhere on there planet actually usesProportional representation would give them... 280 seats. 45 short of a majority.
I guess the ID requirement is the voter suppression but what is the limited democracy bit?this is fucked up if true...add in voter suppression and uk's limited democracy looks to be taking a massive step backwards
...and if is true would proportional representation address the problem?
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FPTP, the majority of seats are safe so it doesn't matter how most people vote. The election will be decided by maybe 200K-300K swing voters who live in 100-150 or so marginal seats. If you're not one of those then it really doesn't matter whether you go to the polls or not.I guess the ID requirement is the voter suppression but what is the limited democracy bit?
I read ska’s post as asking whether PR would address ‘limited democracy’ . Are you saying that ‘limited democracy’ is not having PR ?FPTP, the majority of seats are safe so it doesn't matter how most people vote. The election will be decided by maybe 200K-300K swing voters who live in 100-150 or so marginal seats. If you're not one of those then it really doesn't matter whether you go to the polls or not.
I would definitely agree with that statement yes (not sure if ska does) I'm not saying PR is a cure all but it would certainly be better than what we have now.I read ska’s post as asking whether PR would address ‘limited democracy’ . Are you saying that ‘limited democracy’ is not having PR ?
In 1997 Labour won 43% so the same as in that poll. The Lib Dems 16.8% and the Tories 30%, in the above poll they are on 8% while the Greens take up 6%. Currently the Tories are about 29% so there and there abouts.
Labour won 418 seats, this has Labour on 323 but the SNP on 48 for a combined 371, this easily explains the lack of majority. The tories winning 237 vs the 165 they won in 97. The Lib Dems won 46 seats. The Tories winning 35% of the seats is a slight advantage on PR, Labour on 49% is significantly better than their vote share. 20/650 the Lib Dems concede about 5% of their vote share to 3% of parliamentary seats and the Greens and Refrendum are the biggest losers with about 12% of votes for 1 seat between them.
The boundary changes play a role, but its smaller than the rise of the SNP and to a lesser degree the death of the Lib Dems in terms of seat allocation.
Though the boundary changes would be much starker on near run elections, but in a near run election Labour relying on the SNP will be a huge issue for voters.
I'll make the same point I made on the voter suppression thread - how are they modelling the conversation from share of vote to seats?this is fucked up if true...add in voter suppression and uk's limited democracy looks to be taking a massive step backwards
...and if is true would proportional representation address the problem?
But this was not always the case. Go back to the New Labour years, or even during Miliband's time, the distribution of Labour vote was better than the Tories.Some of you may be wondering why, if the boundary changes are about evening out the size of constituencies the result is still a system that seems to favour the Conservatives over Labour. This is not a sign of something being afoot - the four boundary commissions are genuinely independent - rather it's because differently sized constituencies ("malapportionment") is only one of several factors that can produce a skew in the electoral system, and the current Conservative advantage comes not from seat size, but from the impact of third parties and the Tory vote being more efficiently distributed. For example, when it comes to translating votes into seats huge majorities in safe seats are "wasted" votes. At the 2017 election there were 89 Conservative seats where they got over 60% of the vote, but 115 Labour seats where they got over 60% (and 37 seats where Labour got over 70%). None of this is set in stone of course - up until 2015 the system tended to favour Labour - if a party outperforms in marginal seats it can do better than uniform swing suggests, if it gains votes in safe or unwinnable seats then it would do worse.
Seeing as though Labour have made a constant effort to appeal to swing voters, at the price of disappointing many of their core voters, while the Tories have lost support I'm skeptical that the distribution of votes will be the same as in 2019 (or 2017). In fact, as things stand at present I think there is a good chance that Labours vote will be more efficiently distributed than the Tories.The more important measure of the impact of the boundary changes will be the swing/lead needed by each party to win. Currently the Conservatives need to be about 11 points ahead of Labour to win an overall majority, while Labour need to be about 3 points ahead of the Conservatives for an overall majority