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Jeremy Corbyn's time is up

I know that butchersapron has identified, I'm sure correctly, Richard Murphy as well to the right of most of us I think there are still some interesting insights here albeit he comes to some conclusions that I think are anti-democratic and politically stupid like calling for a second referendum.

The rise and fall of Corbyn’s economics

What I felt was a need to reply in more than 14o characters to answer three questions. The first is why it had been worth giving Corbyn a go. The second is why that did not work. The third is what now?

I’ve recounted several times, already, that despite the media suggestions I did not, as such, write Corbynomics. It’s true that a significant number (but not all) of the ideas in Jeremy’s economic manifesto (which has now gone from his website, and of which I never seemed to keep an electronic copy) were written by me, but not for Jeremy per se, and certainly not in the way in which he presented them.

The three main ideas are summarised here. They were more progressive taxation to create greater equality both as a matter of fact and to deliver justice in the way that the deficit was tackled. Second, the tax gap was to be tackled to provide funding and to create a level playing field for business. And third, People’s Quantitative Easing was, in combination with a National Investment Bank, to be used to fund a new industrial strategy. What the document did not say was what the overall vision was: it focussed on policies not philosophies but it rattled the mainstream media and much of Labour nonetheless.

A year on it’s hard to see why. Progressive taxation was hardly a surprising proposal from a left wing politician whilst closing the tax gap is just about everyone’s aim: the only problem was Jeremy used my £120 billion figure and did not make clear that not all of it could be collected. And People’s Quantitative Easing now looks as if it will be delivered by the Tories. All were issues on which I had written extensively: of course I was going to support a politician who said they were going to use them.

So why didn’t things work out? There are four fundamental reasons.

The first was a lack of conviction. John McDonnell became shadow chancellor and the first thing he said was he would sign up to George Osborne’s bizarre, and now abandoned, fiscal charter, guaranteeing a balanced budget. It was lunacy. I told him so. He still put it in his conference speechonly to have to U turn on it. But the damage was done, and has remained done. The message was clear: a Corbyn / McDonnell opposition was going to do economic policy on Tory ground. Radicalism disappeared and never returned. Labour’s own fiscal charter is evidence of that: it was re-heated neoliberals Balls at best. If this was meant to be what left wing economics was meant to deliver then it looked very much more like a lot more of the same failed policies to me based on a total misunderstanding of what the role of the government in the economy actually is..

Second, Corbynomics disappeared. PQE, which had been the defining economic and industrial symbol of Jeremy’s election campaign – the policy that was going to deliver growth, jobs, new industry and hope – might well have never happened. It’s taken Stephen Crabb and Theresa May to revive it. In its place nothing was offered at all; just vague words at best for months and then reference to a National Investment Bank on occasion but nothing else.

Third, I had the opportunity to see what was happening inside the PLP. The leadership wasn’t confusing as much as just silent. There was no policy direction, no messaging, no direction, no co-ordination, no nothing. Shadow ministers appeared to have been left with no direction as to what to do. It was shambolic. The leadership usually couldn’t even get a press release out on time to meet print media deadlines and then complained they got no coverage.

Fourth, and critically, there was no vision. A team of economic advisers were set up, but never properly consulted, let alone listened to. Three enquiries, into the Treasury, Bank of England and HM Revenue & Customs were established and given far too long to report: none has as yet. I gather the tax report is in draft: I have not seen it. Whether it will be presented is anyone’s guess. The Bank of England study has collapsed with the departure of Danny Blanchflower. Of the Treasury report I haven’t a clue. The point is though that for coming on for a year now policy has been on hold for these reports and the world has moved on. That’s just not competent.

The same problem has been seen around Brexit and so many other issues. If Jeremy and John had known what they were doing these impasses would not have happened. The impression left is that they have created a movement that hates what’s happening in the world and can get really angry about it, but then has not a clue what to do about it.

If this movement was really visionary that would not be the case. Vision is about having a guiding principle that directs your actions. It is about what you want to achieve. It is positive. It can never be negative. So the Tories know they want to make the market ever friendlier for a limited number of businesses: that is apparent in all their policies, like it or not. All that I have got so far from the Labour left is a message of what it is opposed to. That’s something. But it’s a long way from being enough. Vision is about knowing what goes in something’s place and this is what I cannot see coming from Momentum or supporters like Paul Mason, whose book Post Capitalism in many ways typifies anti-visionary thinking by offering nothing of substance at the end of a long analysis.

Vision in required on the economy and what it is for; about the role of the private sector, and its banks; on tax and benefits and social justice; on health and so much more.
 
This is interesting. Document in circulation strongly suggesting a serious data breach involving Labour member lists being misused by the Thwart Corbyn campaign.
If Saving Labour (or rogue individuals) are attempting to recruit Labour members back into Labour, then the processing of data is likely to be a breach of Data Protection’s fairness requirements.

If Saving Labour are trying to recruit members to Saving Labour’s mailing list or retaining data for its purposes, it’s potentially a lot worse.

Labour pains
 
Thinking about it Smith's decision to promise a second referendum is very smart in a way, Corbyn isn't going to offer it and there are undoubtedly a good number of liberals who joined the party to support Corbyn who are into this whole 'we are the 48%' nonsense. It has potential to peel away a good amount of JC's support even if its implementation would be disastrous.
 
Thinking about it Smith's decision to promise a second referendum is very smart in a way, Corbyn isn't going to offer it and there are undoubtedly a good number of liberals who joined the party to support Corbyn who are into this whole 'we are the 48%' nonsense. It has potential to peel away a good amount of JC's support even if its implementation would be disastrous.

I'm not so sure. There definitely will be anti-Brexit votes to be had, but all he really needs to do is distinguish his position from the perceived "not arsed, mate" attitude of the leadership. Something like "The referendum isn't a suicide-pact, let's see what happens and keep our options open" would have done it. I think he's only gone in stronger to gain more support from MPs. But it gives rise to a potential problem further down the river, because the Tories might be able to u-turn and blame Labour: "We need the support of the Labour party for the Brexit Bill, given our slim majority, but they're wedded to the idea of a second referendum, so we had to include it, even though it makes us want to cry".
 
For some reason Smith esp but Eagle also building up to it, they have decided to try and make trident the key battleground of their anti-Corbyn campaigns - probably because the issue has historically worked wonders for the labour right, from Bevan (i know he wasn't on the right, but his naked into the conference chamber rhetoric marked a significant victory for them) to Foot and Benn being attacked through CND and unilateralism in the 80s. And Marr is very happy to go along with that , of course. Does trident, beyond jobs, have that same popular resonance today? I'm not so sure.
The trident vote is tomorrow iirc. Will be less of an issue after that
 
Thinking about it Smith's decision to promise a second referendum is very smart in a way, Corbyn isn't going to offer it and there are undoubtedly a good number of liberals who joined the party to support Corbyn who are into this whole 'we are the 48%' nonsense. It has potential to peel away a good amount of JC's support even if its implementation would be disastrous.

Course means there will have to be another leadership election cos people don't like who won this one.
 
He brought her divorce papers while she was on her sick bed? No, wait, that was Newt Gingrich.

And it happened in a different country.
"Ms Debbonaire said that she “profoundly wished” that she would not have to discuss the issue publically but had decided that people “have a right to know the truth about what Corbyn’s leadership is like.”
Aye, I believe in Unicorns as well.
 
"Ms Debbonaire said that she “profoundly wished” that she would not have to discuss the issue publically but had decided that people “have a right to know the truth about what Corbyn’s leadership is like.”

Who's Debbonaire, you ask?

That's showbiz. Sorry Glen :(

sacking-glen-ponder_142308-fli_1375885187.jpg
 
I know that butchersapron has identified, I'm sure correctly, Richard Murphy as well to the right of most of us I think there are still some interesting insights here albeit he comes to some conclusions that I think are anti-democratic and politically stupid like calling for a second referendum.

The rise and fall of Corbyn’s economics
Some reasonable ideas in there ( amongst all the self justification) but he misses the point, Corbyn hasn't had a chance to put together a cohesive manifesto, as he has been under relentless attack from all sides of the PLP since he became leader.
 
Thinking about it Smith's decision to promise a second referendum is very smart in a way, Corbyn isn't going to offer it and there are undoubtedly a good number of liberals who joined the party to support Corbyn who are into this whole 'we are the 48%' nonsense. It has potential to peel away a good amount of JC's support even if its implementation would be disastrous.

He knows it a totally empty, without risk, promise, the signing of A50 will be a distant memory by the time labour gets its act together.
 
NEC elections this week. JC's lot are organised enough to send you a slate if you have liked him on facebook.. Interesting times.
 
One of my local MPs (Thangham Debbonair) proper getting her rant on today. Interesting to read specific accusations, instead of generalisations about bad leadership. I'm not sold, but what she's saying about the Policy Forum does feed a suspicion I have about his office not functioning effectively.
Dear everyone who has asked me what my problems are with Corbyn's leadership,

Here is my experience.

Mr Corbyn appointed me and press released this without my knowledge or consent whilst I was in the middle of cancer treatment. He then sacked me the next day when he realized he had given away part of someone else's role. But didn't bother to tell me that either. By then my office had been besieged by press and the story was out that I was Shadow Minister. I decided to make the best of it and to serve. I worked on his Arts policy whilst I was still having treatment but in Bristol..

When I went back to Westminster, I discovered that he had sacked me but hadn't told me and did not have any ideas for how I was supposed to explain it to Bristol West members or constituents. I was then faced with the choice of telling the truth - that he had made a series of errors, and inevitably thereby face a pile of criticism from his supporters - or say I had changed my mind about accepting the role - and thereby face a pile of criticism from.his supporters. And I knew the pile would arrive because I had seen how it went for others who had resigned. And because Corbyn supporters had already piled into me for disloyalty when I had had to miss votes for cancer treatment.

I then, contrary to the story he keeps giving on TV, found it near on impossible to get to talk to him about this problem

Eventually I did get to meet him and he had nothing to say. No idea what to do. It took my boss Maria Eagle to explain to him that as he was leader he could re appoint me if that was what he wanted.

I then worked hard for him on his Arts policy, loyally didn't go to the press about the above, got stuck in and worked. And yes, I enjoyed the role, it is one of my dream jobs in parliament and I believe I did Corbyn and the Labour Party a great service, as millions of people work in the arts and culture sectors and they valued being involved in policy-making. So it was never my intention to resign.

However, I kept hearing from other colleagues on the front bench just how difficult or impossible it was to get a decision out of him on important policy issues - the very thing Corbyn is supposed to be good on. I also noticed that the policy making process through the National Policy Forum was being slowed down by lack of decisions from Corbyn's office.

But then he was missing in action during the EU referendum, including going on a week's holiday three weeks before the day. I found that unforgivable. I had re-started campaigning in this campaign, phone-canvassing to conserve my energy, and kept hearing Labour voters saying 'but your leader wants out, doesn't he?' His team didn't send anyone to the EU Campaign meetings in Westminster and his lack of enthusiasm showed.

On the day after the referendum he asked for an early Brexit. My constituents want exactly the opposite and were telling me so in their hundreds, and voted 85% to remain.

That was the tipping point for me - it is not allowed to remain on the front bench whilst taking an opposing view to the leader in something so important.

I therefore had to resign.

The reason I then voted no confidence in him as leader is because I have no confidence in him as leader. See above. Plus I had found out from other front bench women how unwilling and unable Corbyn is to communicate with, listen to or work with anyone outside his narrow group.

Since then he has stated publicly that he isn't prioritizing winning elections. How can I support a Labour leader who doesn't want to form a Labour government above everything? When working people, the old, the young, the poor, the country, need a Labour government above everything?

I want a Labour government more than anything, because that is how we change the world and how we help millions of people, just as the 1997-2010 Labour government helped millions of people, my own family included.

I profoundly wished I never had to say all this publicly, but people keep asking, and I believe they have a right to know the truth about what Corbyn's leadership is like.

We cannot win general elections with a leader who is unable and unwilling to learn how to communicate with, listen to and persuade people with whom he doesn't already agree - we need to convince swing voters who voted Tory last year in Southern seats to vote Labour next time and we need Labour voters in Wales and the North to continue to vote Labour - without this we can't win a general election.

all that is what's at stake. Not having a Labour government again is unbearable. I will do anything I can to help to ensure this. It's the constitutional duty of all Labour MPs, especially the leader, to try to secure a better life for working class people through parliamentary means. And that's what I will continue to do.

I hope that's clear.
 
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