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Identity Politics: the impasse, the debate, the thread.

#2,787
These are my opinions.

#2,789

Critical race theory and white privilege.


The difficulty some people have in accepting concepts like native identity and native interests in the western context may simply reflect their own cosmopolitan anti-native bias imbued by progressive change and often contrasts markedly with their attitudes to the same concepts in a foreign context.

It is instructive perhaps that two social models which refuse to recognise native rights and deprive native people of a voice in their homelands are colonial societies and multicultural societies, until they are forced to.
 
I was genuinely interested to know what he'd been reading/watching. He's been here for ten years and I can't remember what he's posted politically but it can't have been this stuff or he never would have lasted so long. Just another white man disappointed with his status in life who fell down the alt-right youtube rabbit hole into far right ideology? Or some other route?
 
I was genuinely interested to know what he'd been reading/watching. He's been here for ten years and I can't remember what he's posted politically but it can't have been this stuff or he never would have lasted so long. Just another white man disappointed with his status in life who fell down the alt-right youtube rabbit hole into far right ideology? Or some other route?
No, it literally is ten years of vacuous drive by far right posts.
 
Whilst we’re talking reading material:

I’ve been reading Psychology, Humour and Class: A Critique of Contemporary Psychology (also available from bookshops for less than the publisher’s cover price). It goes a lot, lot broader than the topic of this thread, but it certainly includes this ground. The author divides the field of psychology into “upper class prescriptions“ (the use of psychology as ways to encourage and support society’s structures), “middle-class musings” (the use of a critical approach to psychology to question how power is embedded into psychology and sociology, but not really provide ways that this can be addressed) and “working-class stuttering” (which is the so-far embryonic notions of a ‘postpsychology’ that can support Marxist ideas rather than get in their way). The book as a whole is worth a read, if you are into that kind of thing. The first and second parts are rather better realised than the third, but there are plenty of interesting ideas generally. However, there are a number of particularly pertinent areas for identity politics.

First, he points out that, “when we have full control of our identity and have the space to develop it, an identity might be useful. However, when it becomes allied to the prescriptive work of religion, psychiatry, medicine or the law, identity becomes an imposition and a crude tactic of power.”. The point is that, as per Foucault, modern power is enabled sustained through “confessionals” — ways in which individuals weigh themselves against norms and categories, would be my interpretation — and identities are an interface for which power to manage this.

He also spends some time discussing the concept of intersectionality. He points out that Crenshaw’s original conceptualisation as well as her follow-up of it is all about legal rights, and that little of this can be extrapolated beyond the original purpose. He quotes Crenshaw herself, who said,

”[Some] often mistakenly think intersectionality is about multiple identity. I have got 3 [identities] you’ve got 6. Some colleagues in Germany undertook to count how many intersections there are. Last count there were 17 or something… there was an attempt to map intersectionality… that’s not my articulation of intersectionality. Intersectionality is not primarily about identity. It is about how structures make certain identities… the vehicle for vulnerability.“

In other words, it is not about quantifying discrimination or “double discrimination”. As Crenshaw said, ”[Black women] experience discrimination as Black women — not the sum of race and sex discrimination, but as Black women.“. Her aim (according to the book, not Crenshaw herself), was to “update and modernise bourgeois law rather than to quantify discrimination…. To advocate more effectively on behalf of those who have hitherto been ‘invisible’ within the legal system.“ He then moves on from Crenshaw to talk about the negative implications of doing the aggregation of discrimination she warned against.

Anyway, I’ve been meaning to note this book in this thread, so there it is.
 
In my experience, if you want to engage with an idea or group it’s best not to say it’s the enemy, which ‘the politics of division’ does.

‘a contribution to the debate’ is just pointless. Of course that’s what it is.
 
In my experience, if you want to engage with an idea or group it’s best not to say it’s the enemy, which ‘the politics of division’ does.

‘a contribution to the debate’ is just pointless. Of course that’s what it is.
“An engagement with” is not the same as “Engaging with”
 
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