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Ironically, restrictive immigration policies and increased border enforcement in the United States and Mexico seem to have had the unintended consequence of strengthening international migrant smuggling networks. In recent years,
coyotes (smugglers) have operated less on a primitive, independent basis and instead have created sophisticated transnational networks. The new capacities and strength of such networks became visible in 2014 during the so-called “crisis of unaccompanied minors.” Transnational smugglers proved then to be both extremely well-organized and well aware of the failures and weak points of the U.S. immigration system. They demonstrated a remarkable capacity to mobilize thousands of unaccompanied minors simultaneously, utilizing new methods and alliances with organized crime in what has become a
multi-million dollar industry.
In the past decade and a half, the
Border Patrol has more than doubled its number of agents. At the same time, the U.S. Congress has massively expanded spending on fencing, infrastructure, and technology to secure the border. Mexico has supported the massive U.S. deportation efforts with its Southern Border Plan (
Plan Frontera Sur). However, transnational networks of migrant smugglers and drug traffickers seem to operate very effectively in these allegedly more secure and militarized borders. The new U.S. administration’s migration plan does not seem to represent a change but, rather, promises a continuation and reinforcement of current trends, both in terms of policies and deficient results.
As Mexico faces tough trade negotiations with the U.S., many commentators, legislators, social leaders, and other influential Mexicans are urging the Mexican government to take a hard line with the Trump Administration on trade talks. Among other things, they are advising that Mexico suspend cooperation with the United States on immigration, an action that could lead to an even higher number of migrants eventually ending up in the United States even as the wall is built.
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