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...and Yemen!

On MEE US defence secretary: Iran's destabilisation efforts must be overcome to help Yemen
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"Everywhere you look if there is trouble in the region, you find Iran," Mattis told reporters in Riyadh after meeting senior Saudi officials.

"We will have to overcome Iran's efforts to destabilise yet another country and create another militia in their image of Lebanese Hezbollah, but the bottom line is we are on the right path for it," Mattis added.

Officials have said the United States is considering deepening its role in the conflict in Yemen by more directly assisting its Gulf allies, who are fighting Iranian-supported Houthi rebels there.
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Gen Mattis reliably parroting the Saudi line on Yemen. He's only likely to make this vision of Iran turning the Houthis into a strategic asset like HA come true if the US doesn't seek to de-escalate the war.
 
On LWJ AQAP leader discusses complex war in Yemen
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AQAP would prefer to focus on the Houthis

Perhaps the most interesting section of Raymi’s interview is his discussion of AQAP’s priorities inside Yemen. Asked if Ansar al Sharia “should concentrate” its efforts on “fighting the Houthis instead of indulging in other battles,” Raymi replies: “Yes we are going to great lengths and all [of] our efforts are towards that.”

While AQAP wants to focus on the Houthis, Raymi says his men have to make sure they do not “expose” themselves to other threats. “It is our duty to unify our efforts in fighting the Houthis by all means,” Raymi explains.

The AQAP chieftain then provides an anecdote that offers real insight into AQAP’s strategic thinking.

“A delegation of scholars came to us in the year of 2013 and told us that we are a force among the forces of” the Sunni community, Raymi says. “They insisted that we devote our entire efforts to the danger of Houthis and to not engage in battle with the Yemeni system,” meaning Hadi’s government.

Raymi elaborates: “We welcomed the idea and agreed to the truce and put forward unto them two conditions.” The first term of the proposed truce would halt “any external intrusion on Yemen, guaranteeing the independence of the country from American intervention and American planes in the atmosphere of Yemen.” (This would have meant that the Yemeni government could not assist the US in hunting down senior AQAP figures. Drone strikes would have been unilateral moves had this truce taken hold.)

The second condition of the proposed ceasefire would have led to the formation of “a panel of scholars” who would “study the constitution and the policies that govern the country, so as to guarantee the application of Islamic sharia.”

Both the scholars and AQAP’s first emir, Nasir al Wuhayshi, “signed the truce” with the stipulation that these two terms be “met.” In Raymi’s telling, President Hadi “turned down the scholars and refused to meet with them” even after he (Hadi) pleaded with “them to form a truce with the Mujahideen.” Raymi claims that the ceasefire was scuttled because the Americans learned about it. “After that, America launched an attack and heavily bombarded [Yemen] to announce to all that [Hadi] is none but an agent to them.”
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Interesting positioning.
 
From The Atlantic Council The Yemen War, Media, and Propaganda
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The polarized media outlets also characterize the beginning of the war differently. For pro-Houthi and Saleh media, it began when the Saudi-led coalition began its campaign, while for pro-exiled government media outlets, there is an emphasis on the Houthis’ coup d’etat. For Yemenis, it is impossible to get a full picture of the conflict. In the north, people not politically affiliatedtend to gradually become Houthi supporters as most media outlets are affiliated with the Houthis, and vice versa in the south. As each understanding of the conflict becomes more biased, it becomes harder to reach national and local level reconciliation deals.

The international media, and specifically Arab media, coverage suffers from a different set of problems. A quick look at major news organizations shows a lack of coverage of Yemen in comparison to other global events, and rarely features Yemen articles in the headlines. There are three main reasons for this: first, Houthi forces either forcibly disappear or put behind bars non-propagandist Yemeni journalists; second, Saudi Arabia is buying media silence along with hiring PR companies to polish its image in media; and lastly, independent foreign journalists do not have access to the country.

Yemenis who are critical of both local coverage and international media find themselves disappointed and frustrated. Incomplete information coupled with frustration is something that armed groups, including the belligerent parties and extremist groups such as ISIS, prey on to attract recruits.

Most Yemeni journalists interviewed for this article expressed that they had no work because they had been forced to move back to their villages to escape the Houthi crackdown. One journalist pointed out that, “polarization in Yemeni media has never been this high. The problem is that there is no room for a middle ground. On one hand, Houthis allow press only if it is biased in favor of them, as does the Yemeni exiled-government. All that you have in Yemen now is propaganda and each side can support you, only if you abide by their propaganda.”
Some reasons why Yemen is covered so poorly.
 
On MEE EXCLUSIVE: Yemen president says UAE acting like occupiers
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Another sign of official Emirati anger with Hadi was apparent in a tweet by Dhahi Khalfan Tamim, Dubai's head of security.

He said: "Replacing Hadi is a Gulf, Arab and international demand."

He added: "The first steps toward a solution in Yemen would be to end Hadi's reign, which has eroded with time."

Khalfan went on to say: "What the UAE and the resistance have achieved is being demolished by Hadi. Is this a president who deserves that we deal with?"
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Sighs of growing rift between UAE and KSA over Hadi. The UAE has been more salient in ground fighting. It never had quite the same agenda as the KSA which under new management has been willing to tolerate a variety of Islamists/Salafists that the UAE regards with great suspicion.
 
From The Bored Jihadi Al-Qaeda starts 'jihadi book club' in Yemen
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The handout explained that first place submission will receive a brand new Chinese-made automatic rifle, second place a motorcycle, third place a pistol, fourth place a laptop with mobile phones and cash prizes for the other winners.

The group have called the contest "This is Our Message", indicating that the book that will be scrutinised will be a manifesto promoting al-Qaeda's cause.

The extremists set the deadline for the book reviews to be handed in on the 15th of the upcoming Islamic month of Ramadan but warned that only "sincere contestants not interested in winning cheap material goods" were eligible.
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I'm getting the impression "This is Our Message" may not exactly be a page turner.
 
Yemen war: Surge in cholera outbreak kills 34 - WHO - BBC News

A resurgence of a cholera outbreak in war-torn Yemen is believed to have killed 34 people in the past two weeks.

The World Health Organisation says 2,022 suspected cases of cholera and acute watery diarrhoea (AWD) were reported between 27 April and 7 May.

Some 26,000 people have now been affected since October by the outbreak, which subsided over the winter.

The country's health system and civilian infrastructure are collapsing after two years of conflict....
 
They're coming right for us!
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Southern Yemen leaders launch body seeking split from north

Senior tribal, military and political leaders have formed a new council seeking the secession of southern Yemen, the former governor of the area's main city Aden said on Thursday, threatening to bring more turmoil to a two-year-old civil war.

Aidaroos al-Zubaidi made his announcement in a televised address in front of the flag of the former nation of South Yemen, whose forces were defeated by the north in 1994 and brought into a reunified country.

Zubaidi said a "national political leadership" under his presidency would administer and represent the south - a region which holds much of Yemen's modest oil deposits, the backbone of its economy....
 
Although the cunt refused either to 'confirm or deny', sound familiar? At least they put him on the spot.

BAE refuses to confirm workers loading bombs on Saudi jets

The chairman of arms giant BAE Systems has refused to confirm or deny whether the firm’s staff in Saudi Arabia are loading bombs and missiles onto fighter jets involved in the bombardment of Yemen.

To the dismay of anti-arms trade campaigners, Sir Roger Carr also refused to comment on whether the world’s third largest defence firm had taken steps to prevent British-made Tornado fighter jets - in service with Saudi Arabia’s air force - from being used to drop cluster munitions....
 
On TCF Iran’s Role in Yemen Exaggerated, but Destructive
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Moreover, and unlike Saudi Arabia, Iran has nothing to lose in Yemen; Iran views Yemen as a low-cost environment to enact attrition against Saudi Arabia. As a Western official formulated it: the Iranians throw a dollar at Yemen, knowing full well that Saudi Arabia would in turn spend 2 million, which means it is a winning battle for Iran according to this standard.15

Iran has a broad suite of interests in the Arabian peninsula, most of them focused on Saudi Arabia and Bahrain. Yemen is a secondary interest for Tehran. For instance, Iran had a much stronger reaction when Saudi Arabia executed Shia Saudi cleric Nimr al-Nimr in January 2016 than it had to any aspect of the entire Saudi intervention in Yemen.16 In the international arena, Iran has worked toward saving al-Nimr more than anything it has concretely provided for the Houthis—and has instead settled for referencing the war in Yemen whenever it deemed necessary to score points against Saudi Arabia, and whenever it wished to showcase its sectarian presence in the region.
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Has Yemen just as a ruthlessly used pawn for the Iranians with the Houthis as just one Yemeni actor they have a relationship with. Once the Saudis launched their entangling intervention there of course Yemen is going to attract more not less Iranian attention.
 
On Al Monitor Saudis trumpet Trump
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The king's signature policy initiative of his 2½-year reign is the war in Yemen. Defense Minister Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the king's favored son, promised a decisive victory 25 months ago but the war is still a stalemate. The Saudis have avoided putting their own ground troops into offensive operations against the Houthis and former President Ali Abdullah Saleh for fear of embarrassment if they underperform. The Royal Saudi Air Force has performed above expectations, but the air campaign has not defeated the rebels nor halted their missile attacks on the kingdom. A missile was fired at Riyadh just as Air Force One left the United States but was intercepted by Saudi defense forces.

Now there are growing signs of a split emerging in the coalition the Saudis created to fight the war. The Saudi-backed government of President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi has been struggling to gain control of Aden airport, the largest in the territory Hadi claims, from Yemeni militias backed by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) since February. The Saudis even sent in Sudanese troops — one of their most loyal and well-paid allies — to take the airport but without success. The tense standoff between rival factions makes the city a powder keg.

Riyadh and Abu Dhabi are also backing rival Yemeni tribes in the Hadramuat, the homeland of the bin Laden family in eastern Yemen. The Saudi monarchs have craved control of the Hadramuat since the 18th century as a direct access to the Indian Ocean, but the Emiratis put their own troops (many of them mercenaries) on the ground to wrestle it from al-Qaeda. The Emiratis are disenchanted with Hadi, who has been unable to rally support for over two years while the Saudis remain tied to the man they helped elect.

The Saudi plan to win in Yemen hinges on their proxies' taking Hodeidah, the major port in the north. The goal would be to tighten up the blockade of the country that is producing mass famine and outbreaks of disease. The UAE is reportedly unexcited by the operation.

The Trump administration is ultimately going to determine whether the Hodeidah battle is fought. The president's speech barely mentioned Yemen and never dealt with the humanitarian carnage there. Unlike Salman, Trump did not highlight the Iranian role in Yemen.

The Saudi war effort is dependent upon US support. Congress is increasingly opposed to giving Salman and his son a blank check for a war that is causing massive humanitarian damage to the Arab world's poorest country. Some on the Hill are calling for much more oversight on Saudi defense purchases. Getting congressional approval for arms sales is getting harder as the Yemenis' suffering gets worse.

The long-term danger for the Saudis is that they are now tied to the fate of a mercurial and unpredictable US president. They hope that he will fight Iran on their behalf. So far they have rhetoric. Expectations are high for a president who has yet to deliver a single significant piece of legislation for his own core supporters at home. His track record of broken promises — dumping the Iran nuclear treaty, moving the US Embassy to Jerusalem or the Muslim ban, for instance — should engender second thoughts.
More than a tenth of a trillion bucks in arms deals is a helluva bung. We'll see what it buys King Salman in Yemen.
 

Note the tiny numbers supporting ending the war in Yemen but also pretty weak support for confronting Iran.
 
On TSF Yemen Edges Closer to Collapse
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Currently, neither the U.S. nor the Saudi-led coalition are seriously attempting to address the underlying political roots of the conflict in Yemen, or its resulting humanitarian catastrophe. Rather, the Trump administration’s policy toward Yemen remains focused almost exclusively on counterterrorism operations and military support for the Saudi-led campaign to defeat the Houthis. The recent $110 billion U.S.-Saudi arms deal reached during President Trump’s first trip abroad is a clear reaffirmation of that strategy. Such hi-tech weaponry in the hands of poorly trained Saudi pilots has been used to devastating effect against Yemeni civilians, yet has returned no marginal increase in the Hadi regime’s legitimacy among average Yemenis. Nor has it persuaded either side to meaningfully seek what is likely the only solution with a genuine chance of success—a negotiated settlement based on political compromise. Until the calculations of Yemen’s belligerents and their international backers are revised, al-Qaeda and the so-called Islamic State will remain the prime beneficiaries of the ongoing violence. Indeed, both groups—well-schooled in the art of exploiting power vacuums—are poised to continue reaping the benefits of chaos and tragedy in Yemen.
And this is part of what that strange bit of business with the glowing orb in the KSA was about. Facilitating a war that Iran probably sees as a useful distraction. Makes little sense beyond the arms sales which is a perverse way to look at the world.
 
On War On The Rocks IRAN’S GROWING CASUALTY COUNT IN YEMEN
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The Iranian Tar Pit in Yemen

Iran’s morphing intervention in Yemen’s civil war is now reaching a familiar tar pit status. Iran’s heretofore low-end investment in Yemen has likewise proven to be an irresistible tar pit for the Gulf States. For the Trump administration, the Yemen civil war looms like the sirens on the rocks. Continuing to combat the threat of al-Qaeda’s primary operational cell in Yemen is a right-minded, albeit challenging, endeavor for the Trump administration. Wading into Yemen’s civil war to counter “Iran’s bad behavior” belies a questionable and naïve impulsivity. While Bush and Obama did support indirect measures for curbing Iranian support for the Houthis, their primary mission adroitly focused on combatting Al-Qaeda on the Arabian Peninsula. In some Yemeni governorates, the Gulf states have co-opted and integrated the jihadists into their ground units that support the Yemeni military. Al-Qaeda fighters and commanders have fought and died alongside coalition and Hadi government forces in battles against the Houthis. Although U.S. forces do not adhere to the coalition’s and Hadi’s unspoken alliance of convenience with al-Qaeda, the U.S. Navy’s direct action operation against Houthi radar stations last October demonstrates that Iranian provocations can trigger a temporary confluence of interests. Trump is now considering an increase in U.S. intelligence and logistical support for Saudi coalition operations against the Houthis as well as the embedding of additional U.S. military advisers within coalition and Hadi government forces. Given that al-Qaeda, the Yemeni military and Saudi coalition forces are still fighting side by side in battles against the Houthis, the problematic downside to this imprudent deployment is immeasurable.
A useful article this giving evidence of Iranian involvement on Yemen and the strategic rational.

Yemen is essentially a conflict of local actors following an Arab Spring leadership crisis that unseated the dictator Saleh but failed to defang him. Iran's involvement in Yemen does seem to be increasing but then it's a very useful low cost enterprise that provokes a costly diversion of resources by their enemies.

Consider this:
Koontz-Casualty-Chart-1024x394.jpg

So <50 or about 2 beards a month. The Saudis and UAE admit to losing nearly 500 soldiers in Yemen.

Contrast that to Syria where the Iranians and HA losing 80+ guys in one month has happened more than once.
POL2585-Fig2.jpg

Linky.
 
On Jamestown Aden’s Governor in Opposition: A look at Southern Yemeni Secessionist Leader Aidaroos al-Zubaydi
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Conclusion

The local power dynamics in southern Yemen, and the coalition’s operating headquarters in Aden, will remain unstable for the foreseeable future. The Saudi- and Emirati-led coalition will continue to rely on powerful, local Yemeni leaders such as al-Zubaydi as the coalition prosecutes its campaign against the Houthis and Saleh-aligned forces. Al-Zubaydi is a well-known and popular local political, social and military leader who is not likely to remain marginalized by Hadi for the long-term. The constituents who support al-Zubaydi are part of an important popular mass movement in Aden and are seeking the independence of southern Yemen. Increasingly, the coalition (particularly the Emiratis), which has worked closely with constituent militias of the Southern Resistance movement, will be faced with a decision on whether to frustrate calls for southern Yemeni independence or to cater to these local partner forces at the expense of Hadi. Hadi, a troublesome partner at best for the coalition, may not be able to dissuade and deter his Yemeni coalition partners for much longer. This could lead Riyadh and Abu Dhabi to tacitly endorse the process that would bring about Southern Yemen’s independence. Secessionist leaders, prominently led by al-Zubaydi, would stand to benefit at Hadi’s expense if the coalition leadership calculates that it is better to permit the process of southern Yemeni independence than to confront it.
Growing difference between the UAE and KSA here. Prince Mo's war was all about restoring Hadi. That's never going to happen. Formalised partition looking ever more likely.
 
On DefenseOne Want to Reduce Iran’s and al-Qaeda’s Sway in Yemen? End the War
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Yet the Trump administration’s apparent decision to pursue a military-only solution without considering the strategic or humanitarian ramifications will make peace harder to attain. The Pentagon, along with Saudi, Emirati, and Yemeni government officials have been trying to sell the idea of a “clean,” four- to six-week assault on the vital port of Hudaydah that will, they say, reopen humanitarian supply routes and force their adversaries to negotiate. In reality, the offensive is no more likely to shift control of the port, which has been in Houthi hands since before the 2014 coup, than a similar attempt last year. Moreover, a new attack on the port, on which the majority of Yemeni civilians now depend and through which most humanitarian aid flows, will likely precipitate famine. And despite the Pentagon’s claims that increasing U.S. military pressure on the Houthis in Hudaydah will bring them to the peace table and weaken Iranian influence in the country, the offensive will most likely have the opposite effect: it will give Tehran a long-sought pretext to escalate support to the Houthis, and legitimize the rebels’ claim to be defending Yemen from external aggression.

In effect, the conflict has been transformed into yet another proxy fight between Saudi Arabia and Iran, with all of the sectarian undertones and animosities that accompany that rivalry. Any grand notions of “good guys” and “bad guys” in the war evaporated long ago; the Saudi-led coalition, the Houthis, and pro-government forces have all broken the laws of war and committed violations of humanitarian law with such frequency that one wonders how the United Nations and human rights organizations can keep track. No civilian target has been off-limits; Saudi warplanes have bombed schools, hospitals, medical clinics, weddings, funerals, and even refugee camps. Meanwhile, the Houthi rebels have shelled civilian areas, used banned antipersonnel mines in at least six governorates, blocked and looted humanitarian convoys, and sent increasing numbers of child soldiers to the front lines.

U.S. policy in Yemen has made things worse. Despite Washington’s rhetorical support for a political resolution, the U.S. has literally fueled the Saudi bombing campaign for more than two years. And billions of dollars in defense sales to the Saudis and Emiratis have enabled some of the conflict’s worst humanitarian abuses.

As long as the U.S. plays arsonist one night and firefighter the next, the war in Yemen will continue and the parties to the conflict will have no incentives to engage in an inclusive peace process. That means thousands more civilians will die in ground fighting and air strikes, the recent cholera outbreak will spiral out of control as Yemen’s already meager health infrastructure shrivels even further, and terrorist groups like al-Qaeda will remain free to capitalize on the violence.
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Obama's policy on Yemen was despicably supine, it over valued arms deals and neglected US interests. Trump's actually worse. Even Obama's hypocritical lip service to HR has been dumped as Yemen slides into what can be a very large humanitarian disaster. It's part of his emerging regional "KSA all the way" policy basically delegates leadership to Prince Mo. That young man got himself tangled up in this mess and is prone to more blunders. He needs taken aside and be told to stop doing "stupid shit". Overdoing the spat with Qatar may well be another example. Unfortunately this is inline with Trump's own MO. Faced with a fire Trump usually tosses fuel on it.
 
Whether this will actually come to anything obviously remains to be seen.

UN Special Envoy releases details of plan for al-Hudaydah

Last week, UN Special Envoy for Yemen Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed announced the details of a plan to effectively remove the governorate of al-Hudaydah from the Yemeni civil war. The plan does far more than propose a ceasefire for the vital port city; it also includes the payment of salaries to civil servants, and spells out the role of the international community. If implemented, the “al-Hudaydah Plan” could serve as a model for a nation-wide peace agreement. The Government of President Hadi and the Government of Egypt have reportedly announced their support for the plan, it is not yet clear whether any of the other warring parties will agree to the plan. Below is the YPP’s English translation of the plan, as presented by the UN Special Envoy to the Arab League....
 
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