cockneyrebel said:
The problem I have with this debate (from both sides, and including your link) is that people just throw in statistics with no seemingly no evidence..
I can't quote page number from memory but if you follow the links you'll see many of these 'statistics' are foot noted there.
cockneyrebel said:
We are told the Bolsheviks tortured and executed 10,000s of revolutionaries (which you’ve just upped to 100,000s).
An easy way to satisfy yourself in this sort of discussion is to make up an extreme version of what you think I said and then demand that I justify your imagined version. I've just spent 10 minutes re-reading what I wrote yesterday and nowhere do I claim 100,000s were executed or tortured. The only thing I say even close to this is "not only the liberty and in many cases the lives of hundreds of thousands of socialists ". This is suggesting that 100,000's lost their liberty not their lives. Large numbers were of course also executed or died in the gulags but quite how many I don't know.
100,000 losing their liberty by say 1923 would be a very easy figure to reach, indeed the number of Makhnovists sent to the gulags or killed alone would probably exceed this. See Nestor Makhno in the Russian Civil War by Mike Malet for the most exhaustive study of the Makhnovists.
In terms of executions no clear record was kept but George Leggett in The Cheka, Lenins Political Police, (1981) estimates 50,000 to 140,000. Some of these would have been actual whites but not very many. The Bolshevik Victor Serge revealed how out of control this process was when on the night that the death penalty was 'abolished' "while the newspapers were printing the decree, the Petrograd Chekas were liquidating their stock! Cartload after cartload of suspects had been driven outside the city during the night, and then shot, heap upon heap. How many? In Petrograd between 150 and 200; in Moscow it was said between 200 and 300."
cockneyrebel said:
That there were 200,000 “left” political prisoners.
Where is this claim made? The only mention of this figure I've found is in the link I posted (
http://struggle.ws/once/iwg.htm ) which includes "At the time of the third treaty between the Mhaknovists and the Bolsheviks one of the provisions was that the Bolsheviks should release 'left' prisoners. The Mhaknovists estimated their number at this time to be 200,000, mostly peasants who had fought with or been sympathetic to the Mhaknovists but also the anarchist activists of every region and city."
From the context this is clearly a figure presented in the exchange of documents between the Bolsheviks and the Makhnovists at that time, these should be in the book above and are probably also in 'History of the Makhnovist Movement' by Peter Arshinov.
cockneyrebel said:
That the Bolsheviks closed all soviets that opposed them. Now whether this is true or not, where is the evidence?
Actually I find it astounding that someone who seems to spend a lot of effort trying to build something in the model of leninism in power could be unaware that the Bolsheviks were closing soviets that returned non - bolshevik majorities from 1918. But perhaps the 'whether this is true or not' above means you are aware they were doing so? This tactic is pretty silly and it would take me till Christmas to answer properly (maybe your intention?) but a quick bit of googling provides
http://www.barnsdle.demon.co.uk/russ/oct.html#The Soviets who lists a number of the soviets disbanded in early 1918 and provides footnotes.
cockneyrebel said:
The evidence seems to be that delegates at the KAS confederation said they represented 75,000 workers!
I'm pretty sure you will find this referenced in the 'Bolsheviks and Workers Control' which is online at
http://www.spunk.org/texts/places/russia/sp001861/bolintro.html This is a book every leninist should read
I just checked and that is a source for this figure. If you go to 1918 and the report on the union conference you will find "[The main strength of the anarcho - syndicalists was among the miners of the Debaltzev district in the Don Basin, among the portworkers and cement workers of Ekaterinodar and Novorossiysk and among the Moscow railway workers. At the Congress they had 25 delegates (on the basis of one delegate per 3,000 - 3 ,500 members)." I leave you to multiply 3,000 * 25 yourself.
cockneyrebel said:
Then we are told Spain shows that production doesn’t have to fall after a revolution.
A discussion on production in Spain is going off on a tangent but support for this claim is to be found at
http://struggle.ws/wsm/rbr/rbr7/spain.html
cockneyrebel said:
And as for the anarchists in Spain it shows the failures of anarchist theory not just the CNT.
This is a bit like saying that German social democracy proves the failure of marxist theory. The CNT were one section of an international movement that took a route that no other section agreed with and that a significant section of their own members disagreed with. There were flaws here that are common to other anarchist currents but then the existing debate within anarchism (in particular that in 1920''s France) had already pointed these out and positions had been taken in opposition to them.
cockneyrebel said:
And the FOD having 5000 members, are you sure?
Jesus, having to source everything is a time consuming pain in the ass but I'll induluge you. The FoD paper 'The friends of the people' published accounts of the organisations funds including members subs. These indicate a membership in the region of 5,000. You'll find substantial translations of sections of this paper in the pamphlet at
http://struggle.ws/spain/FODtrans/preface.html
cockneyrebel said:
And is just over 100,000 workers a significant minority in a total of millions?
The CNT may have had as many as 1,500,000 members by early 1938. So I guess 105,000 is around 7% of this. I'd call this significant. In any case individual locals of the CNT all over the place were also opposed to collaboration, but I've no idea what the actual total was.
cockneyrebel said:
And it’s ok for the FOD to say they’re different from the CNT but not for a left oppositionists to do the same?
Well here we are getting into the detail of their analysis.
Trotsky many years after everything went bad said there was no fundamental problem with the organistion but the wrong guy was allowed to get into power.
The FoD within a year of the revolution said there was a fundamental problem with the organisation and things would have to be done differently.
I presume you can 'spot the difference' between these two positions?
For those interested in the depth of the FoD analysis see
http://struggle.ws/fod/towardsintro.html
cockneyrebel said:
Incidentally the FOD are very interesting, there call for a common central command of the army being quite significant…...
Indeed as it provides an example that demonstrates the leninist lie that in order to run a military struggle 'the Party' has to be in charge. They proposed a council of delegates answerable to the unions with powers that were limited to those areas central to the war. The economy was excluded for instance. And these delegates were to be recallable by the unions. Rather different from leninism in power!
cockneyrebel said:
In terms of what happened, yeah it was disastrous, just as Spain was 20 years later…..
A return to 'your as bad as me so it all doesn't matter'? If this statement was true in the sense you use it then it would not imply a defence of leninism but rather then need to also ditch anarchism.
But the disasters were different and left very different legacies. The illusory sucess of Lenins experiment destroyed the hope of socialism in the 20th century as it reduced a multi-faceted movement to endless clones that tried to ape what was a failed project. Plus it left the legacy where most people think communism means something like they had in the USSR. In Spain we lost as we have lost before and will lose again. There are lessons to be learnt but the Spanish defeat did not destroy the movement internationally.