The manifesto, written in typical jihadist patois, though with some sections that have an almost juvenile ring to them,
focuses on a number of themes. Throughout, the author(s) attempt to convince their audience that it is a fundamental
necessity for women to have a sedentary lifestyle. Indeed, this is her “divinely appointed right”. Each of the three
sections seeks to present supporting evidence for this conception – historical, political and theological. However, it is
the first part of it that provides the most illuminating look into the psyche, ideology and worldview of a female IS
supporter and the means by which they go about building a rationale for their position.
The argument opens with a lengthy rebuttal of the ills of Western civilisation and Westernisation, how they have
resulted in the injustices felt by Muslims across the world today. As scientific research is central to modernity, it thus
follows that the pursuit of any knowledge (except that which regards religion) is pointless. The West’s obsession with
studying “the brain cells of crows, grains of sand and fish arteries” is deemed a distraction from the fundamental
purpose of humanity – to worship God. This, the author(s) argue, has sullied humanity’s purity. In the same breath,
though, they also insulate themselves from accusations of hypocrisy by claiming that those sciences “that people need,
that help facilitate the lives of Muslims and their affairs are permissible”. Such hypocrisy is at the root of all extremist
Islamist thinking.
The above argument then moves, almost seamlessly, into an angry response to feminism, the “Western programme for
women”. This, the author(s) argue, has failed. The blurring of lines between the roles of each sex has caused people to
forget how to worship God properly – it is a distraction that is rending society apart. In their attempt to identify the root
cause of it all, the author(s) pin the blame on the emasculation of men. Because, it is argued, “women are not presented
with a true picture of man”, they have become confused and complacent, unable to fulfil their appointed
responsibilities, most of which revolve around motherhood and maintenance of the household. The implication is
obvious – the men of IS are deemed to be real men. Therefore, to live a sedentary life within the so-called Caliphate, to
be exposed to their “rightful masculinity” would not only right the wrongs felt by the “Muslim community” today, it
would allow a woman to be a better Muslim.
While the above may be the case, it is laid down unambiguously that women must be educated on some level. Indeed,
a woman cannot fulfil her role if she is “illiterate or ignorant”, the author(s) argue. Hence, education is mandatory. In
determining what form this education should take, a curriculum has been proposed that determines the ideal
curriculum for girls. Ideally, it would “begin when they are seven years old and end when they are fifteen, or sometimes
a little earlier”.
The above acts as a preamble to the central argument that the manifesto is seeking to convey, that the role of women
is inherently “sedentary”, and that her responsibilities lie first and foremost in the house, except in a handful of narrowly
defined circumstances. This role begins at the point of marriage which, it is declared, can be as young as nine years old.
From this point on, it is women’s “appointed role [to] remain hidden and veiled and maintain society from behind”. In
a jihadist perversion of feminism, then, the importance of women is championed.
She is deemed to play a central role
in the inner workings of the so-called Caliphate. However, this is only insomuch as the jihadist ideology permits her. She
may be important, but she faces myriad restrictions and an imposed piety that is punishable by hudud punishments.
One important caveat made to the above is that it is sometimes permissible for a woman to leave the house. The
circumstances in which this is permitted are:
a) if she is going to study theology;
b) if she is a women’s doctor or teacher;
c) if it has been ruled by fatwa that she must fight, engage in jihad because the situation of the ummah has
become desperate, “as the women of Iraq and Chechnya did, with great sadness”.
After laying down the central aspects of the argument that the role of women is to be confined to a sedentary lifestyle,
case studies of life for women in the “shade of the Caliphate” are given. First, we are given an idealised view of daily life
for women living in IS-held territories. The first case study, which focuses on the Iraqi city of Mosul, is broken down into
six sections: hijab, security, justice, society, medical care and education. The second case study, based on reporting from
within the Syrian city of Raqqa, looks specifically of the lives of muhaajirat women and their families. Unsurprisingly, life
is portrayed to the reader through rose-tinted glasses. There are no references, for example, to the myriad abuses
against women that are carried out in the name of implementing IS’ austere version of Islamism.
The final section compares how women fare in the Arabian Peninsula to what their lives are like in IS-held Iraq and Syria.
The content of this section renders apparent that this document’s primary target audience is women living in Saudi
Arabia. A litany of the offences carried out by the Saudi monarchy – referred to as Al Salul, rather than Al Saud, a Quranic
reference to Abdullah Ibn Ubai Ibn
Salul, the “chief of the hypocrites” – is presented in over four sections, dealing with
issues that vary from “higher education” to “driving”. The text implores women living in the Kingdom to migrate to IS-
held lands, and to do so urgently.
