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Identity Politics: the impasse, the debate, the thread.

not quite sure what you're saying here.

i agree that it's not constructive for anyone to say "your view is not valid" or to try and close down alternative thought

but that's just what seems to be happening too much - white straight cis males trying to tell minorities that their view isn't valid because their politics is somehow less sound.

for example i (as a white male) can be against racism, but i don't think i've got the right to tell black people what they should think, or to say that their experience of being on the receiving end of racism isn't valid...

What I'm saying is that in some situations, a dominant (or wanna-be dominant) personality within a political group may (and in my experience does) use invalidation as a tool to promote their political beliefs as the "one true way", whatever the ethnic, sexual or gender derivation of that personality.
 
not quite sure what you're saying here.

i agree that it's not constructive for anyone to say "your view is not valid" or to try and close down alternative thought

but that's just what seems to be happening too much - white straight cis males trying to tell minorities that their view isn't valid because their politics is somehow less sound.

for example i (as a white male) can be against racism, but i don't think i've got the right to tell black people what they should think, or to say that their experience of being on the receiving end of racism isn't valid...

This supposes that the argument is tailored around the identity of your opponent. But it's only identitarians that do that, which is why cis white males keep getting mentioned.
 
but that's just what seems to be happening too much - white straight cis males trying to tell minorities that their view isn't valid because their politics is somehow less sound.

for example i (as a white male) can be against racism, but i don't think i've got the right to tell black people what they should think, or to say that their experience of being on the receiving end of racism isn't valid...
But who has done that? It's one thing to say that someone doesn't have the right to hold an opinion it's another thing entirely to criticise that opinion.

I maintain that the WEP are fucking liberal idiots, that doesn't mean that "their experience of being on the receiving end of [sexism] isn't valid" (whatever that is supposed to mean, I'm not sure such a statement even makes sense) or that I don't think they don't have the right to argue their nonsense. It just means that I think their positions are reactionary and damaging.
 
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for example i (as a white male) can be against racism, but i don't think i've got the right to tell black people what they should think, or to say that their experience of being on the receiving end of racism isn't valid...

Nobody should be telling anybody what to think or that their experience isn't valid, I'm not sure how identity comes into it. Are some kinds of people more inclined to rudeness? Maybe, for me it's largely about entitlement, I'm more important than you aka class.
 
Nobody should be telling anybody what to think or that their experience isn't valid, I'm not sure how identity comes into it. Are some kinds of people more inclined to rudeness? Maybe, for me it's largely about entitlement, I'm more important than you aka class.
There are two things here, though. One is one's experience in the world and the other is analysis of why things are as they are such that you have those experiences and not others.

I think some on this thread are talking at crossed purposes because some are referring to the former and others the latter. I wouldn't dream of trying to tell someone about their experiences, but I can and will say when I think their analysis of why things are as they are is wrong.
 
... but I can and will say when I think their analysis of why things are as they are is wrong.

Yeah, and you'd likely be accused of 'denying [x] lived reality', trying to make someone invisible, talking over them, or all sorts of other bigotry. Any reference to theory or even logic will be thrown back at you as evidence that you don't do any real politics (by people who know nothing about you).
 
People do have experiences that aren't valid in the way they interpret them themselves - plenty of people genuinely feel the real presence of God in their lives but that doesn't oblige anyone else to accept Christian doctrine. I can't see personal experience as necessarily valid beyond certain contexts, which is not to say it's not relevant testimony in others.
 
People do have experiences that aren't valid in the way they interpret them themselves - plenty of people genuinely feel the real presence of God in their lives but that doesn't oblige anyone else to accept Christian doctrine. I can't see personal experience as necessarily valid beyond certain contexts, which is not to say it's not relevant testimony in others.
Sure. But in terms of id politics, the discussion is surely to do with people's experiences of various kinds of prejudice or oppression. I've seen it on here on occasion and certainly in the wider world that you get a well-meaning but misguided kind of 'surely not' reaction to the relating of various experiences.
 
Which contexts would/do validate a person's experience then IYO?
Easier to say where it's not necessarily valid, which was my point, which is when you extrapolate from it to build a wider interpretation. Because as well as useful and broadly correct contributions based on experience there's ones that are plain wrong, like my religious example. To me that leaves us still needing to judge on other things than experiences alone.
 
Easier to say where it's not necessarily valid, which was my point, which is when you extrapolate from it to build a wider interpretation. Because as well as useful and broadly correct contributions based on experience there's ones that are plain wrong, like my religious example. To me that leaves us still needing to judge on other things than experiences alone.
I don't think that is where the problem lies, though, so although I think you're right, I'm not sure it's very relevant to the id politics debate. I mostly see the opposite - people finding the straightforward relation of their lived experience met with resistance or the attempt to explain it away as something else. As a concrete example, I'm thinking here of the everyday experience of small racist acts - there are many people in the world who don't experience such things who would like to think that the world is a bit less racist than it actually is and will try to come up with alternative explanations for whatever it is that is being related.
 
I don't think that is where the problem lies, though, so although I think you're right, I'm not sure it's very relevant to the id politics debate. I mostly see the opposite - people finding the straightforward relation of their lived experience met with resistance or the attempt to explain it away as something else. As a concrete example, I'm thinking here of the everyday experience of small racist acts - there are many people in the world who don't experience such things who would like to think that the world is a bit less racist than it actually is and will try to come up with alternative explanations for whatever it is that is being related.
Yes, that's true and you're right about experiences being ignored and it being more of a problem. Also agree it's not even the main issue with ID politics if I'm understanding them right. I have a thing about the limits of self-understanding so I tend to go off on one about it given half a chance. Erm, as you were, thread.
 
I know the thread has moved on a bit since but I want to go back to the question of class and ethnicity in relation to bosses and workers that rutita and others were discussing.

I think an obvious place where identity politics (or at least the form of identity politics I would disagree with - where ethnicity is seen as purely as a cultural-political identity rather than a feature of wider class structures - just as class can be understood as a cultural identity or a structure) falls down is on this question.

An example from my work experience should illustrate this quite well. I've posted about this before so it's the same story and I'm going to c&p chunks from an old post I made:

I used to work at a Turkish owned kebab shop as a delivery driver. The drivers were all 'white British' (for want of a better term) and the people who worked in the kitchen were Turkish-Kurdish immigrants - I suspect illegal ones.

We were paid cash in hand - £20 a night if we worked 5pm - 10pm and £30 a night if we worked 5pm - 1am, with 70p for each delivery to cover petrol (we had to use our own cars and didn't get anything towards insurance, so were forced to break the law as there was no way we could pay for business use insurnace - it would have cost more than we earned). So that's between £3.75 and £4 an hour, depending on what shift we were doing. This was in 2008, so even then it was well below the minimum wage, for a job where you risked being mugged, beaten up, etc.

The lads in the kitchen had it far worse. They all lived in a house owned by the owner of the shop, and for the first few months I was there I didn't know how badly they were being ripped off because the people who worked there at that time only spoke very basic English. But a few months after I started he took on a new lad who had been living in London for a while and spoke very good English. We got on really well and he used to come round my house on his day off to have a smoke and that. Anyway, he came and saw me after he got his first pay packet. He'd worked 6 days, from 4 in the afternoon until 3 in the morning - 66 hours. He'd been paid £3.50 an hour - so he got about £230. But the owner had taken £150 off him for board and lodgings, so he was left with about £80 for working 6 11 hour shifts.

They were worse off than us because of racism. There's simply no other explanation, it's as unambiguous as it gets. Racist immigration laws meant they didn't have the same rights as the rest of us. It doesn't get much more clear cut than that.

They were Turkish Kurds, the same as the owner. But in this instance he had a direct material interest in maintaining the racist institutions that were enabling him to exploit them more than he could 'British' workers and more than he could them if they had the same rights.

If anyone at that place had an interest in helping them it was us drivers, since all we were ever told when we complained about our money was how much better off we were than them - he used that racism to keep our wages down too.

He no doubt shared their experience of racial abuse and discrimination but he was the one using racist tools to exploit them. Without an understanding of the specific relations of exploitation (class, and a solid class analysis always takes in specificities relating to ethnicity, gender or anything else that is important to the functioning of that system) the obvious answer is they share an experience of racism with that boss so they should join forces with him to fight it. I was 'benefiting' from that racism in that I was getting more money than them.

To me, if your politics is informed by the kind of materialist analysis I have alluded to above - one where things like ethnicity and gender are an integral part of a class system - then you don't subscribe to identity politics. I think the difficulty we have discussing this stems from different understandings of what identity politics is. To some, anything that aims to further the cause of a specific oppressed groups is identity politics and so anyone arguing against it is saying those issues either don't matter or are at best secondary to the class struggle (rather than a vital part of it). Then, partly because of this misunderstanding, you've got the other side assuming anyone who says they're into identity politics is someone who takes subjective identity as their starting point and ignores class.

I think the only way around this is to be as clear as we can in our definitions - so if we employ a contested concept, explain what we mean by it in that context - and to ask others for clarification if they do the same.
 
Sure. But in terms of id politics, the discussion is surely to do with people's experiences of various kinds of prejudice or oppression. I've seen it on here on occasion and certainly in the wider world that you get a well-meaning but misguided kind of 'surely not' reaction to the relating of various experiences.

How are we to distinguish between those who perceive themselves to be oppressed by cultural Marxism and liberal feminism, who relate their own lived experience to the identity politics of the alt-Right, from authentic experiences of prejudice and oppression unless we accept that it can be legitimate to question how an individual interprets their own lived experiences?
 
What's cultural Marxism, and how / to whom is it oppressive? I've only ever heard this term in dodgy contexts so I think it needs clarifying.
 
What's cultural Marxism, and how / to whom is it oppressive? I've only ever heard this term in dodgy contexts so I think it needs clarifying.
On what basis do we decide that their interpretation of their lived experience is dodgy?
 
How are we to distinguish between those who perceive themselves to be oppressed by cultural Marxism and liberal feminism, who relate their own lived experience to the identity politics of the alt-Right, from authentic experiences of prejudice and oppression unless we accept that it can be legitimate to question how an individual interprets their own lived experiences?
Well we can't have absolutes here, and it's best avoiding absolutes generally imo. So first and foremost, you pay attention to the experience, and if it is one you yourself cannot have, you take it seriously. Doesn't mean you have to accept it clearly.
 
What's cultural Marxism, and how / to whom is it oppressive? I've only ever heard this term in dodgy contexts so I think it needs clarifying.
It seems to be code for "it's the Jews and their Wiley ways". You and i would call that dodgy. However, that's the point: what eoin is asking is how do we distinguish between someone who believes this to be their lived experience (that they have been disadvantaged by cultural Marxism), and accounts we might not call dodgy. How do we tell the dodgy from the non dodgy unless we're able to examine the account?
 
A text book example of identity politics is self-determination. Anyone have thoughts on the Scottish independence movement? or Catalan? in relation to this thread
 
On what basis do we decide that their interpretation of their lived experience is dodgy?

Well I'm talking about conspiracist right-wingers like Henry Makow and Alex Jones and David Icke. Of course their 'lived experience' is valid but their views are toxic and stupid, and to me the term cultural marxism belongs squarely in that context. So, dodgy.
 
A text book example of identity politics is self-determination. Anyone have thoughts on the Scottish independence movement? or Catalan? in relation to this thread
Is it? Why do you say that? I don't think the above is true at all, or at least not necessarily true.

And note you've equated self-determination with national independence movements, I don't want to speak for any Scottish comrades but I'm pretty sure there will be those who are pro-Scottish independence while still recognising that any independence that occurs under capitalism will not result in real self-determination.
 
How are we to distinguish between those who perceive themselves to be oppressed by cultural Marxism and liberal feminism, who relate their own lived experience to the identity politics of the alt-Right, from authentic experiences of prejudice and oppression unless we accept that it can be legitimate to question how an individual interprets their own lived experiences?

What's cultural Marxism, and how / to whom is it oppressive? I've only ever heard this term in dodgy contexts so I think it needs clarifying.

Not sure about anyone else but I would appreciate some kind of description/explanation of what is meant by 'cultural Marxism'. Clarifying terminology helps keep everyone included in the conversation afterall.
 
Is it? Why do you say that? I don't think the above is true at all, or at least not necessarily true.

And note you've equated self-determination with national independence movements, I don't want to speak for any Scottish comrades but I'm pretty sure there will be those who are pro-Scottish independence while still recognising that any independence that occurs under capitalism will not result in real self-determination.
look under any definition of identity politics in a political dictionary or similiar and self-determination comes up immediately
one of countless examples Identity Politics (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)
 
look under any definition of identity politics in a political dictionary or similiar and self-determination comes up immediately
one of countless examples Identity Politics (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)
But that makes "self-determination" part of the definition of identitypolitics not necessarily an example of it.

Moreover I'd argue (1) that self-determination is a vital part of communism and (2) the supposed self-determination that forms part of identitypolitics is not true self-determination at all, e.g. community leaders deciding for group X is not what I call self-determination.
 
I know. :)

IME "structural" tends to mean those habits (of the ruling and bureaucratic classes) that have accumulated into institutions, and have become - although often not recognised as such - practices, as well as those practices imposed by capitalism that have the functional effect of dividing people into binary categories, with those practices having "real world" effects across and within populations.

While I'm convinced that structural effects can exert influence on interpersonal relationships - "no man is an island..." and all that - I'm not convinced that structure captures the world of interpersonal relationships. The very fact that interpersonal relationships are individual does put some distance between what are individual choices (albeit influenced by structure) to relate to and interact with others, and the nature of structure itself - accretions of practices shaped by the exercise of power.

I hope that makes sense. :)

Yes, I think I would generally hold a similar idea of structure, the political and economic, the historical formation...though I'm struggling to be as precise about it in my mind as I'd like to be. I think that maybe for some the idea of structural reaches the level of the individual, that it's in you and me, maybe as an internalised structure, not a thing out there.
 
Yes, I think I would generally hold a similar idea of structure, the political and economic, the historical formation...though I'm struggling to be as precise about it in my mind as I'd like to be. I think that maybe for some the idea of structural reaches the level of the individual, that it's in you and me, maybe as an internalised structure, not a thing out there.

We all internalise don't we? That would include aspects of the 'structural', ideas, processes etc.
 
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