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...and Yemen!

nothing I know of, at least not before the Arab Spring. (There well might have been, and I don't want to dismiss something I'm not aware of, but it def wouldn't have been easy to form radical political movements in the north. Too complex is the mix of tribal laws and traditions, too conservative the media, too repressive the state. Saleh was very good at making sure there was nothing but him, nothing but tribes and Islam)

However, when the revolution hit, Yemen led by example. It was as if the pressure valve after decades of oppression finally gave in. What Yemen achieved in terms of questioning the status quo, equality, student's movements, workers rights, togetherness in a few weeks took other countries centuries. It was astonishing. Until Saleh had enough and fought back as hard as he could.

thinking about it - with unification Yemens main port was moved from Aden to Hodeida in the North West of the country. With the move moved radical ideas amongst dock workers and sailors. They managed to form unions and there are reports of protests and riots throughout the 9ts. Of course, Saleh never hesitated to cruelly crush such movements before they had a chance to grow.
 
thinking about it - with unification Yemens main port was moved from Aden to Hodeida in the North West of the country. With the move moved radical ideas amongst dock workers and sailors. They managed to form unions and there are reports of protests and riots throughout the 9ts. Of course, Saleh never hesitated to cruelly crush such movements before they had a chance to grow.
Thanks for these posts, really interesting and sad. Sorry for asking so many questions, it's not somewhere I know much about
 
Where does the UAE fit into this, or is it simply a desire to ensure 'stability' and that an Iran backed force doesn't get too powerful in the country?
fuck knows tbh. I guess you are sort of right in your guess....
i have my own theories and it's a thought and an essay in itself tbh, will have to come back to it later...
 
Yemen still pays heavily for when they found themselves on the security council just before Iraq 1 and voted against the allied invasion. A pledge by the other peninsula states was made to 'keep Yemen weak and under-developed'.
Saudi's reaction was to swiftly expel 1 million Yemeni migrant workers, responsible for 2/3 of Yemen's gdp in form of money being sent home.
At the time, 1 in 20 Yemenis would have worked in Saudi practically feeding their home nation. For all of those to lose their income over night was simply devastating and led to widespread hunger and desparation.
 
However, when the revolution hit, Yemen led by example. It was as if the pressure valve after decades of oppression finally gave in. What Yemen achieved in terms of questioning the status quo, equality, student's movements, workers rights, togetherness in a few weeks took other countries centuries. It was astonishing. Until Saleh had enough and fought back as hard as he could.
little short worth watching, there might be a full length version somewhere on the net (but worth paying for too imo):
 
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I meant is there a similar secular/socialist group in the north?
I keep thinking about this question and and keep mulling things over in my head, so here are a few thoughts on the history of class based politics in the South v the North of Yemen, and as to why Class Politics has found and still finds more traction in the South, compared to the North.

(trigger warning -> this will be half informed and semi worked out thoughts and theories, very badly worded and all over the place, because I'm not very good at this)

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Most of this will be pre- Arab Spring and the Houthi takeover, as this marks a very different period, but provides important context:

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Whilst the South has a long established tradition of international collaboration and had a good stab at lived socialism, class based politics were and are largely unknown in the North, and never really fitted in with conservative tribal politics.

(Most will probably know that) Aden was under British rule (protectorate) for a good 90 years, as its unique geographical position (located on the very southern tip of the Arabian Peninsula, built into an extinguished crater of a volcano, which makes it the perfect natural harbour) lays half way between Britain and India. It was mainly used as a coaling station for ships passing the Suez canal, going back and forth between the UK and India, as well as other British colonies.

With the Brits came people from India and other colonies. Aden at the time was a thriving place, a colourful mix of cultures, where traders, labourers, sailors, military personnel, missionaries, refugees, travellers and chancers would meet and mix. Most of the world's religions would live together in relative harmony. There would have been a constant coming and going, people from all over the world would pass through and settle.

Many Yemenis were hired to work the ships, travelling the world, experiencing different cultures and returning home with tales of adventures in places far away.
(Yemenis usually had to work under deck, as fire men, feeding the coal fires, without seeing day light for weeks. A hot, dirty, and physically very demanding job)

As there was no ID or passport system for Yemenis in place before and during the British rule, many tribesmen from the Highlands made their way to Aden, claiming to be Southern / Adeni, and as such securing the right to work for her Majesty, exploring the world, and returning with a new outlook on life and politics.

(I'm not, in any way, endorsing Colonialism and I can only imagine the cruelty that was inflicted on Adenis throughout British rule. But at the same time, the foreign influence and the 'opening up to the world' Aden experienced for a good 90 years can't be ignored and played a big part in the developments that were to follow.)

(On a side note - Places like Taizz and Ibb ended up as part of South Yemen, even though culturally and geographically they are a lot closer to Sana'a. Events like the one above only highlight that there is no major difference between Southern- and Northern Yemeni people, but that, just like anywhere else, their outlook on life is shaped by experience, upbringing and education.)

To this day, there are strong reminders of Aden's Hindu-, Parsee- (there still is a Tower of Silence), Christian-, Sikh- and Buddhist communities. The unique architecture of Aden is a wild mix of British Colonial Style (from Kensington style gardens to statues of Queen Vic to a replica of Big Ben to streets resembling Chelsea), Indian, traditional Arabic, all the way to Chinese and Persian.
Every corner of the world seems to somehow have left its mark. I never got tired walking around Krater and exploring Tawahi. Every corner, every house, every apartment reminded me of a different country and culture, all thrown together and mixed up to make it so very unique to Aden.

Later, after ridding itself from Colonialism, in the days of Socialism, brutalist architecture was thrown into the mix. The crater of the volcano was already densely built on, so Aden expanded out into the salt plains bordering the deserts and high lands. There are whole areas (such as Khor Maxa) of brutalist architecture, reminding of the Eastern Bloc. (I stayed in the ex GDR embassy, a brutalist fortress with 3m thick walls, complete with a parade square out front, the size of 2 football pitches. When we stayed there we were 6 of us feeling physically very safe, but being a bit spooked by the sheer size of the building and its history.).

Of course, Aden is also influenced by its proximity to the Horn of Africa. Somalis, Kenyans, Ethiopians and Eritreans have traded with and via Aden for centuries, visited and settled, and they too have left their marks, esp within culture and cuisine. Southern Yemeni music is a crazy mix between Arabic, Indian, East African, and European. So is its arts and cuisine.

With the 'Corrective Move' and the dawn of socialism in 1969 came a new set of international relationships: South Yemen established strong ties with Cuba, East Germany, Angola, Russia and China.
Education was a very important part of the manifesto of The Socialist Party (free, paid for by taxation, minimum education a requirement), and there was a lot of educational cultural exchange between the countries. Suddenly Spanish was heard on the streets of Aden, spoken by Cuban exchange students. Lenin was hip, so people studied Russian. I was astonished by how many people had a basic grasp of German when I was there, in a place so far away and isolated from the rest of the world.

Class based politics had truly arrived in the very south of Arabia, an educated urban elite had emerged, conscious of its place in society, young, optimistic, hopeful and diverse.

With the fall of The Wall and the Eastern Bloc, which ultimately lead to the re-unification of Yemen (eg subsidies for workers' unions and education form East Germany came to an end), came global capitalism and a class system many Southern Yemenis had never experienced. (From trad Arab tribal structures to being ruled and disrespected by colonial oppressors)
Power structures had changed, an industrial Yemeni ruling- and working class had emerged, and the little industry that wasn't moved to the north of the country (notably: in the East of Southern Yemen lays a stretch of desert around Marib and Hadramaut, which has two great assets: Oil and date industry) suddenly had to compete against powerful international players such as the other golf states and the West.
Production had to be cheap, labour was exploited, and the sense of 'working together for a brighter future' had all but disappeared. International collaboration was replaced by Neoliberal Globalisation.
Gone were the committees, the women's rights orgs, the one brewery of the country, free education, the unions and the anti-tribal politics, and Aden swiftly turned into a backwater, a forgotten place where each was on their own, hungry, without a functioning state providing for basic needs like housing, health care and education.

With it also came Saleh-sponsored Islamism, Al Qaeda, and a weird style of Sufi-esque Wahabism (not unknown to the country, but previously largely found in the North).

Once the War on Terror was in full swing, US-lead drone attacks and targeted assassinations of dissidents weren't far behind. Saleh loved the position he was in: Allying with the US allowed him to suppress, eliminate enemies, blunder and terrorise.

It was only a matter of time before Adenis had enough of the new style of running things, and out of the many splinter groups and after a lost civil war the Southern Movement finally grew, out of the ashes of the South Yemen Socialist Party. Armed struggle was taken up. They enjoyed widespread support.

Their manifesto speaks for itself: 'The North can't be trusted, capitalism can't be trusted, the only way forward can be separation from the North. Nobody but ourselves can shape our destiny. Class struggle forms the roots of all struggles'.

Little did they know at the time that a forthcoming war would force them to ally with the one person they spent their entire existence fighting against: The president of a united Yemen.

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-cont-

The history of politics and sociological structure and developments couldn't be any different in the North of the country:

Whilst the Ottoman empire had various stabs at conquering Yemen (on and off for almost 400 years, at varying success rates), the North of the country has never been occupied by any other foreign forces. The final withdrawal of the Ottomans in 1911 is commonly seen as the beginning of modern day Yemen.
(The Ottoman periods of Yemen is a different chapter and I'm not going to get into it)

Due to its geographical location and resistance to outside powers, Yemeni culture has largely remained untouched and has developed with little influence from the outside world, which is something many Yemenis cherish and will preserve at all cost.

(There is a distinction between North Yemen, the State before re-unification, and the geographical North Yemen, which mainly consists of the Highlands between Sada'h on the SA border, Sana'a, Ibb, Taizz, and anything in between. Culturally, the plains along the Red Sea - the Tihama - to the West of Sana'a, and the deserts of Marib to the East of Sana'a are very different to the High Lands. The Tihama, for example, is culturally closer to East Africa than to traditional Arab culture and enjoyed centuries of exchange between East Africa and the region. When I talk about the North I mainly talk about the mountain regions).

Northern Yemenis tend to be very proud of being 'pure' and 'unspoilt'. This is reflected in the language (many Yemeni linguists claim that their dialect of Arabic is closest to the Koran), in the ancient tribal laws they follow, in their cuisine, culture, music, dress sense, and family make up.
A lot of their traditions are a closely guarded secret which an outsider will never fully understand as they are rarely explained.

Whilst Aden was already a thriving metropolis at the turn of the century, Sana'a very much stuck to its medieval roots well into the 1970s. Until then Sana'a really only consisted of its Old City, confined to its city walls, about 6000 houses, most of them dating back 2000 years. 'Sana'a' really means 'City of Sam', as, so legend goes, it was founded by Sam, the son of Noah, who, after the great flood, laid its first brick, high up in the mountains, safe, protected from the elements and from outside forces, guided by a pigeon, a dove, the bird of peace.

Into the 1970s the gates to the city were shut with the call for evening prayer, nobody was allowed to enter or leave until dawn, and the ones who were stuck outside the city walls found themselves in harsh mountain terrain, 2300 meters above sea levels, without roads or infrastructure, amongst wolves and vultures.

In the mid-1970s Yemen experienced a bit of an economical upswing with many Yemenis leaving to other golf countries for work, sending home unprecedented amounts of remittance. Sana'a burst beyond its city walls, and within the next 20 years expanded to a city of 3 million inhabitants, mostly building without regulations or city planning.

However, the government never really had any political control beyond Sana'a and the other cities such as Taizz and Hodeida. The rest of the country is traditionally ruled by local sheiks and tribal law.

A Yemeni tribes person has little time for individualism, but sees themselves as part of a unit, a hive, a bigger community, which will serve the individual as much as the individual will serve the community. To better oneself means to better one's tribe, and vice versa. The individual doesn't see themselves as part of a class, but as part of a clan, where different people occupy different roles, from trades person to administrator, each with the same importance to the wealth, influence and reputation of the tribe. Social mobility can only be achieved by elevating the whole tribe to a better status.

The sheikh, the leader of the tribe, is commonly seen as the 'first among equals'.

(On a side-note: Yemeni tribesmen are legally allowed and culturally required to bare arms. There are two weapons a tribesman takes great pride in and is never without: The dagger (Jambia), which's ornaments display the tribe, wealth and status of the barer, and the Kalashnikow (lovingly referred to as 'Ali').
This, sociologically, makes a very clear distinction between 'those who defend / protect' and 'those who are defended / protected by others (tribes men)'.)

Also worth noting: In Yemen, belonging to a tribe is not only and not necessarily defined by ancestry, but by territory. Tribes people tend to share a geographical territory and don't necessarily belong to the same family. Belonging to a tribe can therefor be fluid, and can change with alliances, border expansions, and (above all) confederations. (Confederation = an alliance between two or more friendly tribes, mobilised for armed conflict. Some of these confederation are long-running alliances, dating back decades if not centuries. The biggest and most powerful one is probably the 'Hashid'.)
A tribe starts with an individual (the tribesman / qabili), then their close family, to wider family, then their village, then region, then confederation.

Besides the tribes, which can be fluent, Yemen also functions on something resembling a caste system. This is defined by ancestry and birth, and there is not much mobility within it.
At the top of the pile would be the Sayids. They see themselves as the ruling elite, and hold the highest political offices. They claim to be direct descendants of Mohammed, and, even as tribesmen, don't bare arms as they see themselves as being above 'having to protect'. Sayids (and members of other castes) can be part of any tribe.
Many farming and land-owning families are Sayids as self reliance is seen as one of the highest virtues in tribal tradition. (Saleh was very proud of having stemmed from a rural family of farmers).

It is also worth noting the The Houthis are also Sayids, as marginalised as they might have been pre-war, which somehow helps to explain the long lasting war and later alliance between themselves and Saleh. (--> Houthis are not a tribe but a family. Their fighters are not Houthis but mercenaries, a common mistake made by the media etc)

Members of the same caste can be in conflict with each other, whilst members of the same tribe very rarely are, but when they are, the consequences will be severe and long lasting.

There are quite a few sub-sections within the caste construct, basically defined by how many of the caste serve the fewer of the class above. Castes are also defined by religious and intellectual backgrounds.
Qadis for example are people from religious and academic backgrounds who enjoy a very high social status as they are turned to in religious matters and conflict resolutions.
At the bottom of the pile are the Muhamasin. Cynically referred to as the Makhbar (slaves), they stem from the Red Sea coast and have darker skin. They are usually bin men, cleaners, sewage workers etc.

The caste system is found in all aspects of Yemeni society, from administration to labour to cultural aspects.

For example, in music, the songwriter (the poet) would be a member of a higher caste, as he serves the one to be entertained, eg Sayid, or the Sheik, or the groom at a wedding.
The oud player and singer would serve the poet by performing their poems. Underneath the oud player / singer would be the percussion group who serve the oud player, as well as the poet, as well as the Sayid. Percussionists tend to be of darker complexion, many are Dhaif (the poor, the servants, not as low as the Makhbars, but still, born to serve the servants).
(Poets enjoy a very high status as in trad Yemeni tribal customs. 'Poetry' is one of the main pillars of tribal aspirations, along with the guest right, defending of the weak, honouring Allah, etc etc)
Musicians generally tend to be from musical families, they tend to be born into their role and learn their skills from their fathers and grandfathers. (The same goes for most trades and occupations)

(this is all in a very traditional sense, of course the lines get blurred with urbanisation and the rise of new industries etc)

It is also worth noting that with the 'Alliance Of Yemeni Tribes' (2011), Saleh's very own tribal confederation, The Hashid, turned against him, vowing to oust him.
Tribal ties are that strong that there are not many similar examples in history.
Cynics might say that this wasn't because they generally disagreed with his politics as such, but came to see him and his forthcoming demise as a liability for the tribe.

Because of tribal politics, separatism is not unknown to North Yemen. Constant disputes with the government and neighbouring tribes make for ever changing borders and the creation of (semi) independent regions. The most extreme and prominent examples are probably the Houthi territory in the north, and the Marib region to the east of Sana'a. For decades these regions where run as self sufficient and autonomous sheikdoms, with little contact to the rest of Yemen or the government.
When I zig-zagged the country I was amazed by how many road blocks and tribal borders I had to pass, each region with their own laws and political make up, often loosely allied with Sana'a, but ready to break away and run their own affairs at a moment's notice.

Of course, these politics and regions aren't seen as 'separatist', but as tribal, run by a group of people responsible for their own affairs.
Politics weren't (aren't) about class.

For example, Muhamasin wouldn't see themselves as a class united by exploitation, and therefor recognise the need to free ALL Muhamasin of oppression, but as part of a tribe that ruthlessly has to better itself in order to improve the lives of the particular Muhamasin of the one tribe. Social mobility only works within an independent and as part of one particular social construct.
Whichever way a neighbouring tribe would run their affairs within their own boundaries is none of the other tribes' concern, as long as it doesn't directly impact on them.

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-cont-

Without getting into too much detail, I'd quickly like to mention the 1994 civil war as this marks the demise of the Southern Socialist party and partly explains the rise of Jihadism in the country.

Although relatively short (under 3 months), the war was cruel and merciless and had a huge influence on political happenings that followed, all the way to the Arab Spring and the consequential ongoing war.

Before the war, many Southerners weren't objecting to the idea of unification, even actively campaigned for it, and in 1989 a constitution for a united Yemen was drafted, after lengthy negotiations between the North and the South. It covered Northern demands, as well as Southern socialist policies and ideas, but eventually got rejected by The Muslim Brotherhood which demanded Sharia Law as the sole basis of the constitution.

The Socialist Party's demands were then widely ignored and swept aside, and finally the United Republic Of Yemen was declared by the North, disregarding most of the South's desired policies.

To this day Yemen remains the only Republic on the Arabian Peninsula.

To gain power of parliament, Saleh supported and allied with a tribal-islamist party (al-Islah), which meant heavy losses for the socialists. Three parties were now running the parliament, putting the socialists into an awkward minority, and prominent and influential positions were shared out between Saleh's GPC and al-Islah.

As the southern socialists faced more and more obstacles and realised that they were politically silenced, they became more vocal and started to campaign for more exposure and voters on the streets. Saleh reacted by financing and enrolling Islamist splinter groups to silence the socialists. Many assassinations and targeted attacks against prominent socialist leaders and their followers followed.

With it, Saleh helped to create a powerful Islamist movement that spread fear and terror, and who's followers were basically hitmen with an Islamist ideology, working on behalf of Saleh (trying to please tribes, businesses, the West, Islamists, as well as his own interests at the same time), whilst following a wider Islamist agenda and all that entails. (Saleh was by no means an Islamist, but, imo, mainly a power-hungry chancer).


The Islamists were now an ideological and military force to be reckoned with, even more so than Saleh had bargained for.

Eventually civil war broke out. War crimes were committed from both sides. The South bombed the densely populated Sana'a, whist Northern planes attacked Aden. However, most of the active war took place in the South (although, a decade later I saw Northern towns and villages devastated and turned to rubble by the South).

The Socialists found themselves in a political corner and marginalised and had to withstand political and physical attacks. Realising that an alliance with the North was not possible, they eventually opted for separation and declared a separate southern state, the DRY (Democratic Republic of Yemen), which was never internally nor internationally recognised.

Aden fell on the July 4th, which made Saleh the de-facto ruler over a United Yemen, with no parliamentary opposition to speak of. What was left of the Socialist party either fled into exile, was executed, or disappeared.

The South paid heavily for decades with imposed sanctions, ridicule, and little to no say over political matters.
Out of this resentment grew the Southern Movement.

Saleh ruled with confidence and terror. He was all present: Political opponents were killed or thrown into jail, whoever didn't follow government line or didn't display a poster of Saleh in their living room would lose work and was pretty much excluded from society.
The country was riddled with Saleh's spies, informers and hitmen. He controlled all of the media, from the newspapers to the radio stations to the tv networks.
He portrayed himself as the proud tribesman, the farmer's boy, the one who understood Yemeni society and the one who was born to rule.

'Ruling Yemen is like dancing on snakes' heads' was probably Saleh's most famous saying.
He danced very well indeed for 3 decades, hopping from snake to snake, dodging the snakes' bites, he pleased the tribes, played them off against each other, used the Islamists to his advantage, allied with the West, made concessions, bribed, attacked, withdrew, lied, charmed, and killed.

Until the Arab Spring swept the, his, country, and he eventually paid the highest price.

No Yemeni ruler has ever survived their time in power.
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Despite all this, Yemen went through a hugely optimistic time in the early 2000s. The civil war was a thing of the past, towns were rebuilt and infrastructure was repaired and functioning. There were direct connections between the major cities, allowing people the travel the country and to meet and exchange ideas with fellow Yemenis, previously separated by borders and conflict. The education system was functioning, and there were the beginnings of a primitive yet promising tourist industry. The internet had arrived, giving young people new ideas and connections to like minded people all over the world. People cherished the newly established peace and stability.

I loved travelling the country at this time. I was treated like a guest, was taken care of, I was passed on like a precious parcel, crossing tribal borders.
One sheik would send me to the next, with a hand written letter stating that I was a guest in the country and that I was to be treated as such. To honour the guest right is one of Tribal Law's main pillars.
I felt safe and welcome.

I was astonished by how deeply and unconditionally Yemenis love their country, North or South. 'Patriotism' isn't the right term as it implies superiority over other nations.
It is a deep love for the culture, nature and history of a nation that has experienced so much suffering and hardship in living memory, without dismissing other nations' developments and cultures.


'We need time', a good friend of mine fold me in Sana'a. 'We have been through so much. Change is already happening. We live in peace, we are united, we have women standing for parliament, artists are speaking out, the status quo is shifting. I hope The West will give us time and will allow us to develop at our own accord. We are ready.'

The Arab Spring couldn't have happened at a better time for Yemen, or at a worst time for Saleh and the West. It took Yemen by surprise, yet it was somehow inevitable.
It magnified what my friend had said, it tore up the book of rules, re-shuffled society, and questioned anything from tribalism to imperialism, openly criticising Saleh's rule, whilst learning from and embracing history in order to progress.

Saleh and the West hated it and plotted to crush it with all their might. Unleashing the Houthis wasn't really a war for power and dominance, but a war against ideology.

Yemen's current conflict is often described as a proxy war, a war of opposing super powers, using Yemen as a battlefield and its population as pawns.
I don't believe this to be true.
Too weak is Yemen's economy, to isolated the country, too little its influence in Middle Eastern politics.
I believe that this is a war against progressive ideas. Neither the West nor the other players such as Iran or Saudi Arabia want to see a successful revolution, a revolution from the bottom up that questions and actively fights Western imperialism as well as Islamism and outdated middle Eastern ruling class constructs.
The main opposition parties of this war are therefor allies.

Yemen's war concerns all of us as it is the direct result of imperialism and exploitation, and capitalism can only be fought internationally. We can only help Yemen by fighting our own corner and by offering and accepting international solidarity.
 
sadly and tragically there is far too much at stake like money, oil and their tanks and their bombs etc. for anyone to even think
about placing so much as a sanction against Saudi (but we all already knew that). It stinks :mad:
 
Good long article gives a lot of background that was new to me.

 
Fear and anxiety for civilians as Yemen truce set to expire
aljazeera. 1 Aug 2022
Fear, anxiety, confusion – these are the most common sentiments expressed by civilians in war-ravaged Yemen as a four-month truce is slated to expire on Tuesday.

“The ceasefire expiry is a rebirth of multiple ordeals,” said Saleh Ahmed, a 50-year-old resident in the capital, Sanaa, who, like others, fears a descent into a new cycle of war.

“Fighting will erupt, roads will be blocked, fuel will be expensive, the price of basic goods will jump, and civilian deaths will mount,” he said. “These troubles make life bitter and unbearable.”

The United Nations-sponsored truce has been the longest respite Yemen has seen in seven years of war, which have pitted the internationally recognised government, backed by a Saudi-led military coalition, against the Iran-aligned Houthi rebels, who control most of Yemen’s north.
 
Part of a recent email from CAAT
"On 6th September, Liz Truss took office as the UK’s new Prime Minister, following Boris Johnson’s resignation. Members from Campaign Against Arms Trade, along with numerous activists, handed in an open letter to Downing Street, signed by over seven thousand people across the UK - from local CAAT activists to Vivienne Westwood - to call on the new Prime Minister to stop arming the Saudi-led coalition for its bombardment of Yemen.

The war on Yemen has been made possible by weapons supplied by the UK, and sustained by their ongoing military support. Since the bombing of Yemen began in March 2015, the value of UK arms sales to the Saudi-led coalition amounts to at least £23 billion.

Many people took to Downing Street to protest the arrival of Liz Truss, however, we were still able to make our voices heard, with an infectious chant of ‘Stop Arming Saudi’. Andrew Feinstein, author of ‘The Shadow World: Inside the Global Arms Trade’ and guest speaker said “Anyone who feels empathy for the suffering in Ukraine must oppose the UK’s arms sales to Saudi Arabia which are causing even greater harm and devastation in Yemen.”
 
Let us not forget Yemenduring these troubled times. An email I've just received from CAAT about a day of action in a month's time.

This January, CAAT will again take the UK government to court to demand an end to the UK complicity in the war in Yemen. Over the next couple of months there will be many opportunities to support our legal challenge and stand in solidarity with the people of Yemen.

As we launch the Solidarity With Yemen campaign, we invite you to join our national day of action on Saturday 3rd December 2022. Take action in your local community and with your friends and family to challenge the UK government's continued arms sales to the Saudi-led coalition for use in Yemen.

The war in Yemen has been raging for almost eight years. It has led to the deaths of over 370,000 people through direct and indirect causes, according to the UN, with the UK supplying over £23 billion worth of arms to Saudi Arabia since the conflict began. For further information about the conflict, check out the campaigns pack on our website.

The fighter jets, bombs, missiles and other equipment used in this conflict could be manufactured in a town or city near you - check out our interactive map that displays manufacturing sites across the UK.

To support your actions on Saturday 3rd December 2022 we have also launched the Solidarity With Yemen Fund, which is available for groups of activists to apply for funding to take creative action wherever they are.

A massive thank you to the thousands of people from across the UK who signed our open letter to Liz Truss as Foreign Secretary and Prime Minister over the last year and attended our demonstration in September to hand it in. You can check out the video now on CAAT's Youtube channel.

We will continue to release details over the next month with more ways to get involved in this campaign, and please get in touch if you'd like to reach out to others in your community to organise a solidarity action.
 
On Saturday 3rd December over a dozen local groups took part in our National Day of Action as part of our Solidarity With Yemen campaign. CAAT supporters took action in their local community to challenge the UK government's continued arms sales to Saudi-led coalition for use in Yemen.

Thank you so much to everyone who took part! Your actions and voices are a powerful display of solidarity in your communities and accross the UK.

This January, CAAT will again take the UK government to court to demand an end to the UK complicity in the war in Yemen. The war in Yemen has been raging for almost eight years. It has led to the deaths of over 370,000 people through direct and indirect causes, according to the UN, with the UK supplying over £23 billion worth of arms to Saudi Arabia since the conflict began. For further information about the conflict, check out the campaigns pack on our website.

The fighter jets, bombs, missiles and other equipment used in this conflict could be manufactured in a town or city near you - check out our interactive map that displays manufacturing sites across the UK.

You can see photos from all of the actions on our facebook page here.

MicrosoftTeams-image.png
 
Just to update the thread with what looks, hopefully, like a step forward for the Yemenis:


The conflict in Yemen is complex - a permanent ceasefire between the Saudi-led coalition and the Houthis wouldn't necessarily bring an end to all fighting.
Other factions, including Al-Qaeda, have their own battles still to fight.
But the proxy war between the Saudis and Iran does look like it is coming to an end - with the two regional rivals now committed to a rapprochement that will see them reopen diplomatic missions.
That appears to have created the momentum for a serious drive towards ending the war, with the talks in Sana'a clearly key to its success.
 
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