I'd like to come back to
newbie's post
here from a week or so back, because I didn't have the time then to respond to it properly. And I'm going to try and do this without quoting bits of it and getting bogged down in specific points too much.
Perhaps we can start out on what we agree - that pollution, noise, congestion and danger are problems that need to be solved, and they need to be dealt with quite urgently. And I think we both think this should be done through methods that try to address inequality rather than make it worse.
newbie's view seems to be that the livable neighbourhood concept exacerbates structural inequality by creating a preferable environment for those living inside one of those zones compared to those outside of it.
A point about terminology - I am not going to go along with calling them "impermeable" neighbourhoods because that's not what they are. They have reduced permeability for motor traffic but increased permeability for pedestrians and cycles. The correct technical term, I think, is "filtered permeability". But I am going to go with "livable neighbourhood" for the purposes of this post. And what that means is: no part of the neighbourhood becomes inaccessible by car, but the routes through it are restricted, and the aim is to reduce the amount of traffic using streets within the zone to get between places outside of the zone.
So, back to the inequality issues. One is that traffic is displaced to main roads, and that the people who live on those roads are likely to the less well off. My answer to that doesn't just rely on the "traffic evaporation" theory, it is that by progressively adding more and more livable neighbourhoods, the overall amount of motor traffic in the city drops, and in the longer term that means improvements for everyone including those who live on the main roads.
Another is the idea that making somewhere a livable neighbourhood improves living conditions within that neighbourhood, at the expense of other neighbourhoods. Well, the point is to make living conditions better in that neighbourhood. If people see that people living inside one of these zones have things better, then surely the right response is to ask that their neighbourhood can have the same - not reject the concept. Of course there would be a problem if these schemes were only being applied to well-to-do neighborhoods, but I don't think that's the case. The "Railton" neighbourhood, for example, is not the only neighbourhood that is included in this batch of Brixton-based ones.
Then there is what I find the most hand-wavy of
newbie's objections, which is to do with what seems to be a notion that the traffic controls disproportionately affect the least economically privileged. This is something to do with frustrating the desire of working class people to be able to drive around their local area freely. I find it hard to reconcile this with what statistics we have, which shows that car ownership in London is pretty strongly correlated with wealth. Basically I don't really accept it.
But anyway, I can attempt to understand
newbie's proposed alternative approach in that context. That alternative approach involves things like extending the CC and low emission zones, road rationing, restrictions on engine size, a different way of allocating parking. In fact I'd agree with nearly all of these things - but I am not sure they would work on their own. I think the basic idea here is that you apply a strategy to London overall, one that is focused on somehow reducing car usage overall, but one that doesn't do the thing which the livable neighbourhoods do, which is dis-incentivising those short-medium range journeys between adjacent or nearly-adjacent neighbourhoods.
Because the strategy has to reduce overall traffic levels, in order to achieve the outcomes that we can both agree on, it must have to rely on massively reducing some other kind of journeys instead. What are they? Are they people commuting from outer London into the centre or near-centre? There's some level of that goes on, after all the livable neighbourhoods try and stop those kind of journeys using residential streets by removing those tempting cut throughs that avoid main roads and traffic lights and so on. But what proportion of the traffic is this, actually? (that statistic might be out there sonewhere, I'm not sure)
My basic question is, if certain types of journeys must not be "frustrated" for fear that they disproportionately disadvantage London's working class population, then what are the journeys that do need to be targetted instead and how do the alternative proposals achieve that? How, for example does extending the CC zone target these journeys without putting restrictions on the ones that must not be "frustrated"? Is the idea that if you're inside the CC zone, you can do what you want, and the restrictions are heavily weighted onto people who want to drive into that zone from outside? How do we know this would have any significant effect? Is there data that shows most of the traffic going up and down Brixton Hill is in fact people who have driven in from outside London, rather than people making internal journeys? That's not my understanding of London's traffic patterns - my understanding is that a substantial chunk of traffic is made up of people making relatively local journeys and journeys which would be perfectly feasible by other means.
It seems like wanting to have your cake and eat it - you want to reduce traffic and pollution and danger but without putting any restriction on the kind of journeys that make up that traffic.
It just simply does not work, to try and reduce traffic levels without restricting people in what journeys they can make.
The only alternative is to change the infrastructure so that everyone can have a car and use it as they wish - you can make sure that everyone, of every economic class has somewhere affordable to park that car and use it freely, and you can attempt to make sure that they can use it without causing too much local pollution. So you have low density housing, you have sprawling residential areas and then you have some main roads which you try and shield from the housing areas, you make them dual carriageways to make sure there's plenty of capacity and maybe have wide areas of land each side of them as buffer zones for noise and pollution. This is a kind of town planning we've already tried of course - it's called suburbia. This is why it's bizarre to describe these livable neighbourhoods as suburbanisation.
It just doesn't work somewhere like Brixton - it's literally impossible to let everyone have freedom to drive as they wish, unfrustrated by restrictions (unless you knock down a load of housing, which is what would have happened had the inner ring road gone ahead some decades ago).
As far as I can see, it's inevitable that you have to target local and semi-local car journeys if you want to reduce traffic levels.
The livable neighbourhood idea can achieve that. It has in its favour that (a) it is politically on the table at the moment and (b) you can implement it incrementally. Those two things make it pragmatically viable right now. That's why I support the concept in principle.
I don't see any alternatives on offer just now, and I also don't really see any theoretical alternatives that on their own would (a) reduce traffic sufficiently and (b)
not involve "frustrating" local or semi-local car journeys.
For example, I quite like a lot of aspects of the "road rationing" concept. You decide the amount of overall traffic you want on the roads and then you divide that up between everyone equally. And then people who decide not to use their allowance can sell it to others. However people end up distributing it amongst themselves, in theory at least you know there's a maximum level of traffic that will result. But looking at this from a structural equality point of view, how does it produce a better outcome than what we have at the moment or what might be produced by a widespread livable neighbourhoods implementation? I don't see how it would be much different - the bulk of the allowance would end up in the hands of the better off, because they could afford to buy it up. Maybe you could make it non-tradeable - you get your allowance and you either use it or you don't. But then you are giving away something that only certain people can benefit from - the people who can afford to own a car, and the people who are able to drive in the first place. You are giving away a public good (street space or air quality for example) but you are not sharing it out equally - only the people that can use a car benefit from them. Which is much what we have at the moment - the people that mostly benefit from them are both a minority of the resident population and a portion of it heavily skewed to the most wealthy.