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    Lazy Llama

To be, or not to be state capitalism, By The Socialist Party

I...Nobody likes the risk of being wrong....

:D - very true

...which is part of the reason I will take a wee while thinking over the very interesting comments made before replying :)

basicaly "theory as a guide for action AND action/experience as a test and informer of theory" works for me, day-to-day - but I am sure there is a lot more you are saying in your post.
 
Quick response to durruti.

Socialist revolutions are carried out by the working class. This is not to say that every action is carried out directly by the working class. Marxist theory suggests a very powerful picture of what revolution should look like. Independent working class action - strikes, factory committees etc. If the reality of working class rule deviates from that picture, however, we shouldn't be too ready to dismiss its class character. It is after all only a picture. Of course there is a lot of literature about the difficult historical conditions that the revolution took place in and it often seems as if supporters of the revolution are using these conditions as an excuse for some of the things which happened. Maybe sometimes they really are just excusing ugly events. However, the point is that to understand history we understand the material conditions and the political forces that make up history, we don't understand it by comparing it with an ideal vision of how it should have happened.

Having said that Cuba is a real puzzle to me because you have an apparently socialist revolution without bottom up working class activity and without the top down involvement of a (degenerated) workers' state.

I'll look into the S.A. Smith book if I get a chance. Cheers.
 
The CWI don't understand their own theory.

In the spirit of acknowledging errors I was wrong to say this. I think they're a bit fuzzy when it comes to drawing conclusions from their theory, but I think the theory is all there when you look for it.
 
1) the idea that 1917 was simply a 'transfer of management' does not begin to explain the scale of events or the effects of that so-called 'transfer of management' for many following decades. and what role did the working class play in all this 'transfer' in 1917? - were they simply onlookers to the events? it may give a few ultras the excuse to distance themselves from harsh realities of a revolutionary wave led by a minority of the population in an economically and socially backward country which became isolated by the failure of the spread of that revolutionary overthrow. it does not explain how the working class came to control the state apparatus for a period. There is plenty to critisise and learn from - but the position of the 'critics' you list is simply to condemn. As you know it would take an entire bulletin board of its own to go through each and every argument for and against of each of these self-appointed guardians of workers self-emancipation.

2) You ignore Knotted pertinant point - what was the nature of the post 1917 soviet state?

3) while the 'principle' may be to mouth the language of the revolution being 'led by the people' it does not explain the HOW in practice. And of course we all agree on the central role of the working class in their own emancipation if we are going to move towards our agreed goal of a classless society - so what - HOW? - by refusing to get our hands dirty unless all is on our terms?

4) It reminds me of the type of 'revolutionary' who stands on the sidelines condemning the imperfections of say a 'racist' strike rather than getting their hands dirty. (Because we both agree on the obvious recent example - I hope you can see the similarity I am pointing to here?) Of course a bulletin board post cannot begin to adequately take up all of the matters you have raised in your usual listing but, a quick summary on the comments on Kronstadt; the 'popular defense of the revolution' and the 'nature of the society after the revolution (how surplus was extracted)' - which I think are largely simply attempts to legitimise the main pre-conception - that the 'bolsheviks' were opposed to working class control (therefore: that they wanted power for themselves, that stalinism is a direct heir of leninism, that they were all bastards really and nothing to do with us mate, honest etc etc etc) .

5) Firstly - the move against the Kronstadt uprising was presicly because of an awareness of the wider movement. Secondly the very 'enemies' of that movement point this out again and again. So your point about the 'left' is factually incorrect (as well as ignoring completely the endless arguments for and against ever since). Trotsky and Lenin explained the reasons for that movement and the dangers - rather than cheering the third revolution from the sidelines and in long retrospect.

6) Secondly - the 'defense of the revolution' - while the popular support waxed and wained - for obvious concrete reasons. But - if everybody hated the bolsheviks by 1918 - how do you explain the incredible success of the movement in defense of the revolution against 21 foreign and white armies? And by a people for whom one of the mains aims of their original revolution was peace (alongside bread and land) - against the imperial slaughter of WW1? Can you explain that away entirely by coercion? or the need of the bureaucracy to cloak itself in the language of socialism from the beginning?

7) Thirdly - the attempt to prove 'nothing had changed beyond the management' through a simplistic 'how surplus was extracted' trick - well, how true or not that is and the nature of the resulting regime - is what we have all been bumbling around to discover for the rest of this thread. You want some simple overnight transformation from the 'horrors of czarism' to 'perfect society' - sadly, reality proved much more complicated.

8) A revolution in an advanced capitalist country such as ours, nowadays, would take place in entirely different conditions - with the experience of the failures of stalinism, with a movement of people who are literate, have many more direct means of rapid communication and have the hindsight of history on their side alongside a technologically and economically greatly advanced society to begin from. Most importantly they would be the vast majority of the population.

9) You can sit around condemning cobwebs in retrospect if you like. But don't blame the 'lefts' for not taking you seriously by putting words into their mouths which were not there in the first place. I would imagine that some of those who have read and agree with the list of 'untainted' authors you list will be among those who are the best defense of worker's democracy after some revolutionary overthrow of the capitalists in the UK but I hope also that they would have learnt from the experience of applying ideas in practice through actual events rather than just theory. It will be a damn site easier for hem this time around.

cheers dennis .. lots of good points there ..

1) did you read the Smith book yet? it really is brilliant as using original research he looks at how the w/c DID take part in a revolution, in Petrograd ( which really was the core area) .. it burst a lot of ballons .. ultra left , @ and also Leninist .. imho it is the most importnat book at how the revolution actually happenned in Russia though sadly it does not extend to 1921 which we all agree was a critical date

so ok i ( and plenty of writers there then and here now ) do not believe there was a successful working class revolution in Russia in 1917 .. i believe that the Bolsheviks were a middle class party ( on the basis of the managerial politics and that their target was a semi feudal undemocratic country ) who in the midst of a collapsing old regime carried out a coup essentially carrying on the bourgois revolution .. there was not a expropriation of power by the w/c on mass ( in a few cases there was ) but the massive sate and semi state factories were in the absence of their owners simply taken over by the new state, keeping not just the technocrats but bureaucrats in place

why did it last? as it was widely popular .. not because it was a revolution from below .. and because this new state ( with its surplus ;) ) was able to pay for its defence .. the Red Army was NOT unpaid

btw many of those i qouted were active supporters of the revolution for many years and were NOT just on the side lines ( btw have you read any of those .. it always saddens me that @s never read the lefts books and vice versa .. one i did not mention, Serge causes the ultra left and @ critique a problem ( as they like him ) as he takes the line that the repression of the Third Revolution it was tragic but neccessary

2) i thought i had ...

3) fair play .. but the Bolsheviks were only one party of many .. yes they palyed a critical role .. why? well some say as they had the best politics .. history teaches us that just because you become the biggest tendancy does not automatically mean your politics are correct or the best ..

4) fair play i see what you mean but again this is simply not true .. the ultra left and @s did NOT stand on the sidelines ( again the Smith book is great in this area) .. they played for many years, even past 1921, active roles in industry and the Soviets .. until they were either driven out of the country or were gulaged or shot

and it is also important to remember that the @s and ultra left had critiqued the Bolsheviks for many many years and argued that what did happen would happen , on the basis of the managerial and what they saw as undemocratic politics in their platform and Lenins speeches

5) but the defenders of Trotsky and Lenin argue the wider movement was the whites .. what has emerged more and more since is the depth of the strength of the Third Revolution .. but this Third Revolution was specifically critical of the Bolsheviks .. their opposition to it was based on that NOT just the danger to 'the revolution' ..

6) the revolution was popular .. but that does not mean that those who ran it were .. initially yes as those who are in the van get the praise but that praise soon turned to opposition when people realised this was not what they had thought .. if in 1984 the state had sent troops into Liverpool do you think Liverpool @s would have stood on the sideline?

7) ok but i have given a whole series of indicators which you ignored .. imho those indicators DO give a reading of what the system was .. and yes i accept things do not go perfectly .. but we have the privalige of hindsight so we can here and now sift out what appears wrong and right .. and of course it is all hypothetical .. the point is always there was a mass workers demand for a renewal of the revolution in 1921 which was crushed by the Bolsheviks ..

8) lets hope so .. but the reason we still have this arguement is we still disagree on what makes a revolution success

9) i am not sure of your point here .. i was not aware i had put words into peoples mouths .. and we all look at things in retrospect to see if they were right or wrong, so i am not sure what is so wrong with that .. and i sense a dig against me? which seems odd as you know my track record was is nothing like waht you talk of there ?? so not sure of your point

cheers for now
 
did you read the Smith book yet?

Hi, I'm afraid not - I have a few similar by authors you would be comfortable with. If I see it i'd get it on your recommendation :)

in the midst of a collapsing old regime carried out a coup essentially carrying on the bourgois revolution .. there was not a expropriation of power by the w/c on mass

I think we could go on for the next few months or years on this thread! - without changing our respective views ... not sure it is worthwhile given how threads like this petter out to two people dragging up respective histories and everyone else giving up on the thread. I think the idea that there was 'a coup' cannot begin to explain 1917 but I hope, in reply that it is OK if I simply try and find (and paste up) some article links that take up this question in detail (in reply to the bourg. version of the bolshie revolution - which invariably argue the coup idea - but it should answer your points as well). Its probably better than trying to slug out ideas through the limited medium of a bulletin board

Just on this point:

but the defenders of Trotsky and Lenin argue the wider movement was the whites ..

I am afraid - as before this simply is not true. I honestly think you should read what they actually said - even if you detest everything they stood for.

if in 1984 the state had sent troops into Liverpool do you think Liverpool @s would have stood on the sideline?

That was a weird leap? - would just like to thank you (on behalf of the people of liverpool...) - we can say we all slept safer in our beds knowing you folk were ready to defend us :D (ok, that last sentance was a bit tongue in cheek..)

I honestly think the questions you are raising has been raked over many, many times by either side. There is a library of information out there from which folk can make an informed decision. The problem is that most of these alternative views are long tomes - not the sort of thing easily translated into posts on a bulletin board. Such answers require detail and hard economic and social facts/references to answer fairly - something plenty of these authors have had the time to mull over but neither of us two really do. I will try and find and post up some links and a list of books which I hope can provide those answers in detail (although I think I have tried to answer at least the essential points).

BA sensibly bowed out earlier on - because he knew the question raised by the OP was going to lead to an interminable raking over of the same old coals. I mean, here we are going over Kronstadt! Haven't folk like us been here before a few thousand times!? (And as before most folk would sensibly be thinking - "what the feck?") Ultimately the success or failure of our respective viewpoints is how it translates into successful activity in the here and now (rather than defence of 1917).

You met my mate Mick at the occupation didn't you?

ps Yep, I think very highly of Serge
 
cheers dennis .. lots of good points there ..

1) did you read the Smith book yet? it really is brilliant as using original research he looks at how the w/c DID take part in a revolution, in Petrograd ( which really was the core area) .. it burst a lot of ballons .. ultra left , @ and also Leninist .. imho it is the most importnat book at how the revolution actually happenned in Russia though sadly it does not extend to 1921 which we all agree was a critical date

I've been reading through the book on books.google. I know that's far from a perfect way to assess a book - I can't get all the pages. But I'm puzzled about why you think it is so significant. As the title suggests it is a very focused look at Petrograd 1917-1918 and deals with issues relevant to the capital. It's certainly interesting but there is nothing I can see that's a revelation. Its only the last chapter that really deals with bolshevik rule (plus a bit of chapter 9). What's far more significant than the details over workers' control and workers' management and the extent of nationalisation is the fact that industry was decimated due to fears of German take over and workers fleeing to the countryside and then after Brest-Litovsk the economic collapse of a city whose economy was directly connected to the war.

There is, of course, the possibility that the Soviets could have fought a revolutionary war against the German invaders and lots of people thought the Bolsheviks had sold out and its not surprising that this sentiment was particularly strong in Petrograd, but really the question is whether they could have won that war and I don't think there is any reason to think they would have.
 
Tony Cliff:
"Interdependence and mutual influence of class divisions and the emergence and strengthening of the state are so intricate as to make any separation of economics and politics impossible."
"As in ancient societies, so in Russia today, the double function of the state, as a guardian of the ruling class and as organiser of social production, leads to a total fusion of economics and politics."
http://www.marxists.org/archive/cliff/works/1955/statecap/ch06.htm#s6

Of course Cliff didn't think that the state had autonomy over particular capitalist interests - quite reasonably he didn't think there were any particular capitalist interests.

It is a theoretical necessity for consistent state capitalist (or bureaucratic collectivist) theories to assert something like the above. The theories say that the state determines the economy rather than the other way round. The Superstructure determines the economic base. Tony Cliff dodged this conclusion by making politics and economics identical. An idea he nicked from Shactman I believe.
Ted Grant, talks about something different, the revolution, the period of transformation of societies, but says a similar thing to you doesn't he?
Nowhere in the document does Cliff pose the main criterion for Marxists in analysing social systems: Does the new formation lead to the development of the productive forces? The theory of Marxism is based on the material development of the forces of production as the moving force of historical progress. The transition from one system to another is not decided subjectively, but is rooted in the needs of production itself. It is on this basis and this basis only that the superstructure is erected: of state, ideology, art, science. It is true that the superstructure has an important secondary effect on production and even within certain limits, as Engels explained, develops its own independent movement. But in the last analysis, the development of production is decisive.

So what the three of you, Ted grant, knotted and Dennis are saying is that state capitalist theory asserts that the "superstructure determines the economic base", and that the reality contradicts this. In reality the base determines the superstructure? IM not misinterpreting you there am i? If I am, I'm sorry, but if I'm not, I think you're misunderstanding SW on two counts.

1. I think you're misrepresenting SW state capitalist theory. SW have never presented to me State capitalist theory asserting that the superstructure determines the base. You say yourself, "Tony Cliff dodged this conclusion by making politics and economics identical." BUT this idea of making the politics and economics a unified whole, just doesn't dodge the assertion the superstructure determines the base, it totally negates it. Because;
2. I think you're misunderstanding sw's position on the base and superstructure. Generally, SW's position on base and superstructure is this. That in any society the base and superstructure is an indivisible whole.
I went to a district educational where there was about 100 members of SW. Comrade after comrade were getting up and talking about the superstructure of reflecting the base, a common term that Marxists slip into. A comrade got up and said this was the wrong way of looking at it. Talking about the base reflecting the superstructure like a mirror, is talking about a passive process, when in reality the base the superstructure are in a dynamic relationship. He described it like this. Imagine two men sat on the floor, legs locked and and log into a kind of tug of war. The movement of one man, the bass, effects the movement of the other man, the superstructure. It is not one way process, with one passively reflecting the other. And this is true of society. The super structure does not merely reflects the base, changes in the base can create changes in the superstructure and vice versa.
In reality this means, at the point possible social revolution there isn't one determined possibility, there can be a social revolution, or the common ruin contending of the classes. So whilst it's true that without a certain level of development in the base there cannot be a social revolution, from feudalism to capitalism for example, it is also true the influence of the superstructure can be so strong, it is too strong get a fetter on the means of production, that it leads to the destruction of that society. The influence of the superstructure can be so strong it stops the base from determining new social structures, a new superstructure. It also means in a dynamic society like capitalism/state capitalism there is not a deterministic relationship between base and superstructure.
This is broadly how I have understood SW to have presented the discussion on base and superstructure. However, there is a debate within SW, with Colin Barker and some others wanting to jettison the idea of base and superstructure, I think.
 
its what you've said, deg,ws & def,ws are more progressive cos they 'only' require a 'political revolution', no?

this is at the very best a very trite comment by you - at worst, its an attempt to smear and imply something which simply is not true

firstly - I've never used the term 'progressive' for these states - i have simply pointed out that the tasks of the working class are simplified.
seeing as though you are on at the moment.

Ted grant "From his thesis it is not possible to conclude whether Stalinist Russia remains a progressive system (despite its deformations), or whether for Cliff it has now assumed the same reactionary role as ‘individual’ capitalism or fascism." Well cliffs writings on state capitalism carried on, and this matter was clear, " neither Washington or Moscow". Now it seems clear from this article that Ted Grant and yourself to feel in 1949 Russia was still a " progressive system (despite its deformations)" doesn't it?



do you think this rather pathetic attempt to sneer is deserved by the countless generations of working people who have fought the bureaucracy in those countries - say the Hungarian people in 56 that your cde mentioned earlier - If so, its no wonder the IS has no serious input in any of those states now if this is the general view (I hope it is just your uninformed view). Let alone the left oppostionists and countless other groups

shall we will forget it as simply an infantile comment?
:confused::confused: 56 ect makes my points that they weren't progressive after 1928.
 
seeing as though you are on at the moment.

Ted grant "From his thesis it is not possible to conclude whether Stalinist Russia remains a progressive system (despite its deformations), or whether for Cliff it has now assumed the same reactionary role as ‘individual’ capitalism or fascism." Well cliffs writings on state capitalism carried on, and this matter was clear, " neither Washington or Moscow". Now it seems clear from this article that Ted Grant and yourself to feel in 1949 Russia was still a " progressive system (despite its deformations)" doesn't it?

You do tend to look for minor niggly points don't you? - although I appreciate your more substancial post above and will find time to come back to you on this

I wasn't around in 1949 and (almost...) 60 years after that article was written I have not and would not use the term 'progressive'. Me and TG don't use the same language (its a base/superstructure question really about the nature of language and meaning and how it is constantly changing) - although that does not negate his points as they were written - if for him 'progressive' means 'the tasks facing the working class were simplified' as I have already said.

The substancial post above you last one would be a better one to develop a real arguement/discussion around than the peadantry show here.
 
For durritti: (i've been googling to find relatively short - easy to swallow in one chunk - articles

A critical review of the Orlando Figes book, A People’s Tragedy:
http://www.socialismtoday.org/112/october.html
(Covering - Could capitalism have developed Russia?; Coup d’état or mass uprising?; The importance of the Bolshevik Party and From Bolshevism to Stalinism?

A critical review of the Christopher Reeds book, Lenin:
http://www.socialismtoday.org/93/lenin.html
(Covering - Soviet Power and Democracy and the relationship between Lenin and Stalinism)

Lenin: the original dictator?:
http://www.socialismtoday.org/80/lenin.html

The Soviet Union’s place in history (critical review of The Soviet Century by Moshe Lewin):
http://www.socialismtoday.org/113/ussr.html

a bit longer...
How the Bureaucracy Seized Power
General: http://www.socialistalternative.org/literature/bureaucracy

A Series of Links: The Russian Revolution and the Rise and Fall of Stalinism:
http://www.marxist.net/trotsky/russia/index.html

A series of short docs reprinted by Inqaba Ya Basebenzi:
The Russian Revolution 1917
http://www.socialistalternative.org/literature/rus-rev/

A Book on the CWIs view of the Cuban Revolution:
Cuba: Socialism and Democracy
http://www.socialistworld.net/pubs/Cuba/00.html

... and some stonking huge and over-priced tomes...

Marcel Leibman - Leninism under Lenin
Paul Le Blanc - Lenin and the Revolutionary Party

Guff on Kronstadt:
The ex-leadership of the CWI (unchecked by me but may be interesting if unfortunately titled) - New material from Soviet archives confirms the Bolsheviks' position - Kronstadt: Trotsky was right! http://www.marxist.com/History/Trotsky_was_right.html

The wikipedia info includes both sets of arguements: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kronstadt_rebellion

And my own bias largely from: Victor Serge, Memoirs of a Revolutionary 1901-1941
 
Ted Grant, talks about something different, the revolution, the period of transformation of societies, but says a similar thing to you doesn't he?

So what the three of you, Ted grant, knotted and Dennis are saying is that state capitalist theory asserts that the "superstructure determines the economic base", and that the reality contradicts this. In reality the base determines the superstructure? IM not misinterpreting you there am i? If I am, I'm sorry, but if I'm not, I think you're misunderstanding SW on two counts.

1. I think you're misrepresenting SW state capitalist theory. SW have never presented to me State capitalist theory asserting that the superstructure determines the base. You say yourself, "Tony Cliff dodged this conclusion by making politics and economics identical." BUT this idea of making the politics and economics a unified whole, just doesn't dodge the assertion the superstructure determines the base, it totally negates it. Because;

OK I did contradict myself. I was wrong to suggest that Cliff thought that the superstructure determined the base. But I'm with Ted Grant in saying that he ignores the question. I think this doctrine of the political being identical with the economical makes the question meaningless.

My instinct is to say that Cliff was rejecting historical materialism or at least rejecting it as saying anything meaningful in the case of state capitalist Russia. If he was then I'm at least sympathetic. I'm going to read up on Marx's formulations before coming to any conclusion.

However there is another point that Ted Grant was making. The SWP's slogan of neither Washington nor Moscow seems clear enough. However an orthodox Trotskyist would have no disagreement with the slogan - this suggests that the slogan is not as clear as it seems. All it states is political opposition to Washington and Moscow. Furthermore I don't think the SWP's stance follows from the theory of state capitalism. There is simply no reason to think that one variety of capitalism is just as progressive/regressive as another form of capitalism. Cliff's theory is a product of his stance whereas it should be the other way round.

ResistanceMP3 said:
2. I think you're misunderstanding sw's position on the base and superstructure. Generally, SW's position on base and superstructure is this. That in any society the base and superstructure is an indivisible whole.

Your anecdote is very interesting but doesn't need a reply.

With respect to the above to say that they form an indivisible whole is not to say that they do not stand in a certain causal relation with each other. (That is unless you mean to say that you cannot talk about them at all!)

For example a chameleon will change its colour depending on its mood. The chameleon's mood and the chameleon's colour are not seperate entities - they're not entities at all. Indeed you can only consider them with respect to the whole chameleon. But that's not important - it still makes sense to say the mood determines the colour.
 
seeing as though you are on at the moment.

Ted grant "From his thesis it is not possible to conclude whether Stalinist Russia remains a progressive system (despite its deformations), or whether for Cliff it has now assumed the same reactionary role as ‘individual’ capitalism or fascism." Well cliffs writings on state capitalism carried on, and this matter was clear, " neither Washington or Moscow". Now it seems clear from this article that Ted Grant and yourself to feel in 1949 Russia was still a " progressive system (despite its deformations)" doesn't it?

The question of whether a society is progressive is surely a relative question rather than an absolute question.

Wouldn't you say that capitalism is relatively progressive compared to feudalism without feeling the need to say that capitalism is progressive?
 
The question of whether a society is progressive is surely a relative question rather than an absolute question.

Wouldn't you say that capitalism is relatively progressive compared to feudalism without feeling the need to say that capitalism is progressive?
absolutely, state capitalism is progressive compared to feudalism. What's more for proponents of workers' state theory, the 'workers' states are progressive when compared to two capitalist states aren't they? This is the whole point of the debate between cliff and grant, whether to support a state that represents an incremental step on the way to socialism/communism, is on balance progressive, or whether the Russian and the U.S. neo-Imperialists are two side's of the same coin. so will you explain this to Dennis?;)
 
absolutely, state capitalism is progressive compared to feudalism. What's more for proponents of workers' state theory, the 'workers' states are progressive when compared to two capitalist states aren't they? This is the whole point of the debate between cliff and grant, whether to support a state that represents an incremental step on the way to socialism/communism, is on balance progressive, or whether the Russian and the U.S. neo-Imperialists are two side's of the same coin. so will you explain this to Dennis?;)

I would still insist on prefacing the word 'relatively' before the word 'progressive', and really we should preface 'progressive' with 'economically' as well. ie. 'relatively economically progressive'

But really, if I were to naively agree with Tony Cliff that Russia was state capitalist I would say that the imperialist states are relatively progressive in comparison. I would have supported the Americans in Vietnam. The reason is very simple - I would apply Lenin's theory of imperialism that monopoly capitalism retards the development of productive forces. If the Russian state was one giant monopoly then it is extreme monopoly capitalism and should retard the development of the productive forces in the extreme. Lacking competition there would be no drive to improve productive forces. Indeed improving productive forces should just simply reduce the rate of profit for no good reason.

The problem is that Cliff's theory is based on finding similarities between Stalinist Russia and capitalism. I think this is a rather superficial way to proceed, but more fundamentally it is the wrong comparison. The comparison should not be with capitalism it should be with state capitalism ie. uber-monopoly capitalism which should follow a completely different dynamic. Trotsky once half-heartedly theorised about how state capitalism would work. As far as I know, nobody else has ever bothered.

I think the reality is that Cliff's theory is straight forward (shactmanite) bureaucratic collectivism plus handwaving comparisons with capitalism and a daft theory about military competition. That Cliff and Shactman went in two very different political directions does not show that they were basing themselves on different theories it shows that their theories say next to nothing and can be given whatever spin you like.

I've got to say that no matter how open minded I try to be I can't even begin to be sympathetic to any version of state capitalism. To take them seriously is just bonkers. I don't think anybody takes it seriously, not Cliff, not James, not Dunayveskaya, not the various anarchists, council communists, impossibilists etc. Its just a couple of words people say when they don't know how to characterise stalinism.

Sorry that's a bit of a rant, but I just can't believe people can't see it.
 
Hi, I'm afraid not - I have a few similar by authors you would be comfortable with. If I see it i'd get it on your recommendation :)



I think we could go on for the next few months or years on this thread! - without changing our respective views ... not sure it is worthwhile given how threads like this petter out to two people dragging up respective histories and everyone else giving up on the thread. I think the idea that there was 'a coup' cannot begin to explain 1917 but I hope, in reply that it is OK if I simply try and find (and paste up) some article links that take up this question in detail (in reply to the bourg. version of the bolshie revolution - which invariably argue the coup idea - but it should answer your points as well). Its probably better than trying to slug out ideas through the limited medium of a bulletin board

Just on this point:



I am afraid - as before this simply is not true. I honestly think you should read what they actually said - even if you detest everything they stood for.



That was a weird leap? - would just like to thank you (on behalf of the people of liverpool...) - we can say we all slept safer in our beds knowing you folk were ready to defend us :D (ok, that last sentance was a bit tongue in cheek..)

I honestly think the questions you are raising has been raked over many, many times by either side. There is a library of information out there from which folk can make an informed decision. The problem is that most of these alternative views are long tomes - not the sort of thing easily translated into posts on a bulletin board. Such answers require detail and hard economic and social facts/references to answer fairly - something plenty of these authors have had the time to mull over but neither of us two really do. I will try and find and post up some links and a list of books which I hope can provide those answers in detail (although I think I have tried to answer at least the essential points).

BA sensibly bowed out earlier on - because he knew the question raised by the OP was going to lead to an interminable raking over of the same old coals. I mean, here we are going over Kronstadt! Haven't folk like us been here before a few thousand times!? (And as before most folk would sensibly be thinking - "what the feck?") Ultimately the success or failure of our respective viewpoints is how it translates into successful activity in the here and now (rather than defence of 1917).

You met my mate Mick at the occupation didn't you?

ps Yep, I think very highly of Serge

fair play :)

but isn't that what we do, go over things, till we die of exhaustion? :D

and btw BA has other business atm

and i do think we all do each have a responsabilty to be open to each others history ( not a dig at you ) i think it is not useful how narrow minded people are in their tradition .. the currents i have always worked in have been very open in their searching for ideas

not sure which SPer Mick is .. but generally chat to them

and thank you on behalf of the people of Liverpool :p :)
 
I've been reading through the book on books.google. I know that's far from a perfect way to assess a book - I can't get all the pages. But I'm puzzled about why you think it is so significant. As the title suggests it is a very focused look at Petrograd 1917-1918 and deals with issues relevant to the capital. It's certainly interesting but there is nothing I can see that's a revelation. Its only the last chapter that really deals with bolshevik rule (plus a bit of chapter 9). What's far more significant than the details over workers' control and workers' management and the extent of nationalisation is the fact that industry was decimated due to fears of German take over and workers fleeing to the countryside and then after Brest-Litovsk the economic collapse of a city whose economy was directly connected to the war.

There is, of course, the possibility that the Soviets could have fought a revolutionary war against the German invaders and lots of people thought the Bolsheviks had sold out and its not surprising that this sentiment was particularly strong in Petrograd, but really the question is whether they could have won that war and I don't think there is any reason to think they would have.

hi knotted .. the google book shows nothing but background .. what impressed me was he has actually looked at what level of workers power there was, how it was acheived, who argued for different levels/forms of power etc .. and Petrograd was the key the cornerstone of the revolution so it covers exactly the right place and time ( though as i said i wish it went to 1921)

honestly i have not seen a book like it, i guess as it was based on unused/original research .. the facts you mention are undenial BUT hundreds of thousends of workers remained .. and this book was as i understand the first in depth look at what revolution is what workers power is in reality warts and all ( if there are other books i would be interested to know .. when it cam out it was in english at least an original )

IF we are to learn from history the arguements in those factories then that we always knew of ( though partisan commentary not original) but that Smith has illustrated in great detail will be critical .. tbh we still have the same discussion about how far how soon etc! :)
 
For durritti: (i've been googling to find relatively short - easy to swallow in one chunk - articles

A critical review of the Orlando Figes book, A People’s Tragedy:
http://www.socialismtoday.org/112/october.html
(Covering - Could capitalism have developed Russia?; Coup d’état or mass uprising?; The importance of the Bolshevik Party and From Bolshevism to Stalinism?

A critical review of the Christopher Reeds book, Lenin:
http://www.socialismtoday.org/93/lenin.html
(Covering - Soviet Power and Democracy and the relationship between Lenin and Stalinism)

Lenin: the original dictator?:
http://www.socialismtoday.org/80/lenin.html

The Soviet Union’s place in history (critical review of The Soviet Century by Moshe Lewin):
http://www.socialismtoday.org/113/ussr.html

a bit longer...
How the Bureaucracy Seized Power
General: http://www.socialistalternative.org/literature/bureaucracy

A Series of Links: The Russian Revolution and the Rise and Fall of Stalinism:
http://www.marxist.net/trotsky/russia/index.html

A series of short docs reprinted by Inqaba Ya Basebenzi:
The Russian Revolution 1917
http://www.socialistalternative.org/literature/rus-rev/

A Book on the CWIs view of the Cuban Revolution:
Cuba: Socialism and Democracy
http://www.socialistworld.net/pubs/Cuba/00.html

... and some stonking huge and over-priced tomes...

Marcel Leibman - Leninism under Lenin
Paul Le Blanc - Lenin and the Revolutionary Party

Guff on Kronstadt:
The ex-leadership of the CWI (unchecked by me but may be interesting if unfortunately titled) - New material from Soviet archives confirms the Bolsheviks' position - Kronstadt: Trotsky was right! http://www.marxist.com/History/Trotsky_was_right.html

The wikipedia info includes both sets of arguements: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kronstadt_rebellion

And my own bias largely from: Victor Serge, Memoirs of a Revolutionary 1901-1941

cheers will check them out .. when it get time! :D btw just looked at the Kronstadt link and it is still of lies .. a simple one is the idea that modern @s condemn @s of the time working in the revolution! another is that yes many did not support the rebellion .. they were usually supporters of the govt ( fair enough ) .. i would be more inclined to trust Trotskyist articles on Kronstadt IF they EVER mentioned (but they never do so my suspicions are raised) that it was a continuation of the strike movement in Petrograd and that for the majority the demands were for Soviets .. not exactly a White demand! but anyway :)
 
hi knotted .. the google book shows nothing but background .. what impressed me was he has actually looked at what level of workers power there was, how it was acheived, who argued for different levels/forms of power etc .. and Petrograd was the key the cornerstone of the revolution so it covers exactly the right place and time ( though as i said i wish it went to 1921)

honestly i have not seen a book like it, i guess as it was based on unused/original research .. the facts you mention are undenial BUT hundreds of thousends of workers remained .. and this book was as i understand the first in depth look at what revolution is what workers power is in reality warts and all ( if there are other books i would be interested to know .. when it cam out it was in english at least an original )

IF we are to learn from history the arguements in those factories then that we always knew of ( though partisan commentary not original) but that Smith has illustrated in great detail will be critical .. tbh we still have the same discussion about how far how soon etc! :)

I agree it is a very interesting but limited (in terms of period and place) study of workers' control.
 
I agree it is a very interesting but limited (in terms of period and place) study of workers' control.

imho you are still not seeing what i am .. yes it is limited in time and space (but as i say this was the centre of the first workers revolution .. apart from extending it to 1921 as would have been better, what else you would want?)

.. but it is not just a study of workers control .. it is where all (ok most of) the arguements that we have today about what the Russian Revolution was (i.e. this thread) and what revolution means generally were being debated .. this is not listening to what Trotsky of Lenin or any other commmentator said but actual copy of discussions in the factories over matters of what to do now! it is like today i hate the guardian as it news light and comment heavy .. and so much of the left/@ is listening to and relying solely on their particular favourite commenters .. we listen solely to what Trotsky or Bakunin or Lenin said ( and of course that hasd its place) .. NOT what the actual workers were saying at the meetings at the time .. this is what Smith does
 
imho you are still not seeing what i am .. yes it is limited in time and space (but as i say this was the centre of the first workers revolution .. apart from extending it to 1921 as would have been better, what else you would want?)

.. but it is not just a study of workers control .. it is where all (ok most of) the arguements that we have today about what the Russian Revolution was (i.e. this thread) and what revolution means generally were being debated .. this is not listening to what Trotsky of Lenin or any other commmentator said but actual copy of discussions in the factories over matters of what to do now! it is like today i hate the guardian as it news light and comment heavy .. and so much of the left/@ is listening to and relying solely on their particular favourite commenters .. we listen solely to what Trotsky or Bakunin or Lenin said ( and of course that hasd its place) .. NOT what the actual workers were saying at the meetings at the time .. this is what Smith does

Well...

What does revolution mean? Is it mainly to do with organisation and debates amongst workers in factories? I don't think so. Revolution is political as well as economical. You were talking about the gains of the revolution being rolled back, but there are lots of ways for this to happen. You have to look at the broader picture - agrarian reform, nationalist revolts, economic crisis, conflict between town and country, uneveness of revolutionary consciousness throughout the country, internationalising the revolution, world war, counter revolutionary activity and civil war as well as factory level organisation and economic policy with regard to centralisation and nationalisation of industry. When we are characterising the class nature of the state we have to look at all this and more and if the state is becoming more bureaucratic and less democratic we still can't dismiss it out of hand - even when it moves directly against the working class.

Really the thread was on the 1930's and after. Nobody here thinks that the state wasn't horendously repressive/exploitative but still the questions remain. What is the character of the state? What if anything remains to be defended?
 
I would still insist on prefacing the word 'relatively' before the word 'progressive', and really we should preface 'progressive' with 'economically' as well. ie. 'relatively economically progressive'
i do understand your workers state position. I have no problems whatsoever in adding to the definition of your position "relatively progressive", in fact I did have a stab at that myself when I used the words "incremental", and "on balance". If I was going to debate this topic, and it now clearly am, I would MUCH rather take on your real position, than create a straw man. So will you take it from now, I do understand your real position, but do agree with it, for the same reasons that tony cliff didn't agree with it. I hope to make it clearer why, soon.
But really, if I were to naively agree with Tony Cliff that Russia was state capitalist I would say that the imperialist states are relatively progressive in comparison. I would have supported the Americans in Vietnam. The reason is very simple - I would apply Lenin's theory of imperialism that monopoly capitalism retards the development of productive forces. If the Russian state was one giant monopoly then it is extreme monopoly capitalism and should retard the development of the productive forces in the extreme. Lacking competition there would be no drive to improve productive forces. Indeed improving productive forces should just simply reduce the rate of profit for no good reason.

The problem is that Cliff's theory is based on finding similarities between Stalinist Russia and capitalism. I think this is a rather superficial way to proceed, but more fundamentally it is the wrong comparison. The comparison should not be with capitalism it should be with state capitalism ie. uber-monopoly capitalism which should follow a completely different dynamic. Trotsky once half-heartedly theorised about how state capitalism would work. As far as I know, nobody else has ever bothered.

I think the reality is that Cliff's theory is straight forward (shactmanite) bureaucratic collectivism plus handwaving comparisons with capitalism and a daft theory about military competition. That Cliff and Shactman went in two very different political directions does not show that they were basing themselves on different theories it shows that their theories say next to nothing and can be given whatever spin you like.

I've got to say that no matter how open minded I try to be I can't even begin to be sympathetic to any version of state capitalism. To take them seriously is just bonkers. I don't think anybody takes it seriously, not Cliff, not James, not Dunayveskaya, not the various anarchists, council communists, impossibilists etc. Its just a couple of words people say when they don't know how to characterise stalinism.

Sorry that's a bit of a rant, but I just can't believe people can't see it.
thanks for your apology. It lubricates the process of political intercourse. However, beyond that, it ain't really necessary, for that wasn't a rant, but a sound pithy representation of some true arguments. My problem is to deal with those matters now would not in my opinion make my views clear, in fact it would confuse them. So will you forgive me for not dealing with these points now? For I would prefer to go back to your earlier post, first. What's more, I think that will shed some light on what you have said here anyway.
 
Guff on Kronstadt:
The ex-leadership of the CWI (unchecked by me but may be interesting if unfortunately titled) - New material from Soviet archives confirms the Bolsheviks' position - Kronstadt: Trotsky was right! http://www.marxist.com/History/Trotsky_was_right.html

The wikipedia info includes both sets of arguements: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kronstadt_rebellion

that Kronstadt link is fascinating .. A Kramer is an Israeli marxist of sorts ex IMG grouping apparrently ) his article has been copied all over the world if you look at google links .. yet no on else has seen or refered in english to his so called revelations ( apart from the SPart below) .. fair play so maybe he has a coup

( this looks at a Russian series of artciles that does refer to it looks interesting

http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/kritika/v003/3.1corney.html

"..Nor, in Iarov's view, did the Kronstadt revolt, the crushing of which has been for many scholars the clearest expression of Soviet Russia's fundamental illegitimacy, play a major role in the stoking of popular oppositionist sentiment. 2 On the contrary, it was met with apathy and indifference by many, even with brief euphoria by some (Proletarii, 9, 20, 61; Gorozhanin, 78-79). Here, too, Iarov implies that later historiography has tended to read too much of a "'Kronstadt' mood in the masses" (Proletarii, 114), and has sometimes imputed to the disturbances of the entire period an expressly political (i.e. anti-Bolshevik) shading (Gorozhanin, 12, 71). The slogan "Soviets Without Communists," a workers' demand supposedly heard during the strikes of 1921, was, he argues, a later ideological and historiographical construction (Gorozhanin, 70). Iarov concludes that the sources in fact reveal very little about "mass, 'collective,' opposition of workers to Bolshevism" in 1917-1923, and that direct attacks against Soviet power were "extremely rare" (Proletarii, 38). "

BUT really what is more important is that he has simply used Stalinist mis/disinformation to justify a Trotskyist position which seems wrong to me and it seems sad then that so many Trot groups have copied this article

here the Sparts ;) who admit freely that the references in this document are from the Cheka and White sources both utterly unreliable

http://www.icl-fi.org/english/esp/59/kronstadt.html
 
i do understand your workers state position. I have no problems whatsoever in adding to the definition of your position "relatively progressive", in fact I did have a stab at that myself when I used the words "incremental", and "on balance". If I was going to debate this topic, and it now clearly am, I would MUCH rather take on your real position, than create a straw man. So will you take it from now, I do understand your real position, but do agree with it, for the same reasons that tony cliff didn't agree with it. I hope to make it clearer why, soon.

You see I'm not entirely sure what my position is! Yesterday I thought up a theory and I think I will stick to it. However, I haven't told anybody about it yet! Throughout the course of this debate I have moved towards a degenerate workers' state position away from what I would characterise as a pseudo-Burnhamite (ie. without any pretence at Marxism) bureaucratic collectivist position. My error was in assuming an overly rigid class characterisation of the state in Marxist theory. Incidently Tony Cliff made the same error. The error is thus: Marxist theory, particularly Lenin's State and Revolution deny the possibility that the same state apparatus can be used both by the proletariat and the bourgeoisie.

ResistanceMP3 said:
thanks for your apology. It lubricates the process of political intercourse. However, beyond that, it ain't really necessary, for that wasn't a rant, but a sound pithy representation of some true arguments. My problem is to deal with those matters now would not in my opinion make my views clear, in fact it would confuse them. So will you forgive me for not dealing with these points now? For I would prefer to go back to your earlier post, first. What's more, I think that will shed some light on what you have said here anyway.

Sure. The only question I feel that supporters of the state capitalist theory need to answer is, 'what is state capitalism?' I've been reading through both Cliff and Dunayevskaya and really they come up with nothing. They come up with arguments for saying the theory is appropriate but they don't say what the theory is. I don't see the use of a characterisation which doesn't oblige you to follow theoretical commitments.
 
Well...

What does revolution mean? Is it mainly to do with organisation and debates amongst workers in factories? I don't think so. Revolution is political as well as economical. You were talking about the gains of the revolution being rolled back, but there are lots of ways for this to happen. You have to look at the broader picture - agrarian reform, nationalist revolts, economic crisis, conflict between town and country, uneveness of revolutionary consciousness throughout the country, internationalising the revolution, world war, counter revolutionary activity and civil war as well as factory level organisation and economic policy with regard to centralisation and nationalisation of industry. When we are characterising the class nature of the state we have to look at all this and more and if the state is becoming more bureaucratic and less democratic we still can't dismiss it out of hand - even when it moves directly against the working class.

Really the thread was on the 1930's and after. Nobody here thinks that the state wasn't horendously repressive/exploitative but still the questions remain. What is the character of the state? What if anything remains to be defended?

cheers Knotted .. first i think state capitalism started in 1917 so i do not accept the thread is about the 1930s

ok i see where you are coming from .. you list of the broader picture is correct .. but that is just background .. what Smith uniquely does is look at peoples reactions to those issues where they were organised ..

to me the class nature of the revolution is illustrated by how that revolution is organised e.g. whether by factory committees running industry ( as the left supportted ) or the state and workers organised in TUs ( as the Bolsheviks came ot support )

it is interesting that you and most of the left are not as interested in 1917-1918 as to the later period and i am guessing it is that you do not see the same problems then as later .. all the left accepts the issues by the 1930s ( though with have the debate in the thread title) , most fo the left agree the issues post 1921 but few on the left see issues before 1921 let alone in 1917

this is why i have pushed the issue to Dennis whihc i think he deflected tbh that IF ( and we all agree ) there was not communism in 1917 then what was there .. it can NOT have been deformed or degenerated by that time .. so what was it? to me it was a form of state capitalism .. many of the massive factories of Petrograd were under the Tsar state run and the Bolsheviks retained this

but it is clear if we look at two areas

1) organisation and management of the factories .. and most retained capitalist forms of organisation .. where the factory committees did take control ( by bolsheviks as much as lefts and @s ) this was soon rolled back under orders from the Kremlin

2) the form of exchange i asked dennis mayeb you could answer

" to show capitalism ( NOT just the capitalist state ) was destroyed you need to show

1 that exchange was not carried out based on money in russia after 1917
2 that money was abolished
3 that no financial surplus was extracted
4 that the wage wage system was destroyed
5 that what is generally regarded as communism, ' from each according to their ability or to each according to their needs' had been implemented

so yes we agree that is was not communism .. but if a political system retains the key elements of capitalism how can we not call it such?

the issue of who runs it is irrelevent .. capitalism can run under all sorts of political control
 
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