Oh god hyuo'er dpo boringh.
See, It works.
Oh god hyuo'er dpo boringh.
I like Chomsky - am actually reading one of his at the moment, the essential Chomsky which is interesting because it has a lot of his linguistics stuff in, which I'd never read before. I don't dispute its radicalism; however I would contend that Chomsky does not offer any tangible analysis of how the 'end game' is achievable. My concern with anarchism is that it is all too easily co-opted or thwarted by capitalism. In short, HOW to dismantle them. And you should read up on the 19c anarchists, they are key to your tradition - both in terms of understanding the overall position and its flaws. Anarchism and earlier utopian socialism are inextricably linked, and modern anarchism imo inherited many of the flaws of utopianism. But I'm not unsympathetic btw, I lent towards so-called libertarian communism myself in my teenage years. I suppose my eureka moment then wasn't so much analytical or based in the writings of intellectuals - I hadn't read so much back then - but in the realisation that the tradition of libertarian communism hadn't achieved much and I felt it was unlikely to. This led me on a journey towards, eventually, Trotskyism.
Good point, but the Trotskyist theory of "transitional" reform demands is worse than the old Social Democratic one as it abandons the "maximum" programme (on Lenin's grounds that workers are incapable of understanding it). So we are just left with a reform programme.Frankly I think the whole trotskyist argument about "transitional demands" is incredibly muddled and feebly conceived. The abyssmal record of the Second International which was characterised by social democratic parties that sought to combine a maximum and mimimum programme yet all ended up as thoroughly capitalist organisations shows the utter futility of such an approach.
Good point, but the Trotskyist theory of "transitional" reform demands is worse than the old Social Democratic one as it abandons the "maximum" programme (on Lenin's grounds that workers are incapable of understanding it). So we are just left with a reform programme.
Proper Tidy's justification for this is that socialist consciousness will develop out of the struggle for these reforms. In other words, while these reforms might not to be "stepping stones" to socialism as in the old gradualist Social Democratic conception they are stepping stones to socialist consciousness. But are they? And how?
You could take the view, as Proper Tidy seemed to at one point, that this will happen spontaneously, but this, as has already been pointed out here, would be quite unLeninist. Or you could take the view (Lenin's) that all that is required to overthrow capitalism is for the "working masses" to have a high enough degree of "trade union consciousness" to be led by the vanguard party which knows how to steer them.
All Trotskyist groups take this second position as can be clearly seen by their campaign slogans and election promises: Make the Rich Pay, Jobs for All, Nationalise the Banks, Increase the Minumum wage, Fix Pensions at Average Male Earnings, etc, etc. Socialism doesn't get a look in, is in fact dismissed as utopian.
Question: How do you wind up a wally on a discussion board?
Answer: Post something they're incapable of understanding!
I understand the quote; I'm not surprised you didn't get the joke though.
Louis MacNeice
I understand the quote; I'm not surprised you didn't get the joke though.
Louis MacNeice
The point is that there is no organic link between transitional demands and the struggle for socialism. Its a myth. There is no substitute for socialist understanding.
However, I do firmly believe that the SPGB is far more right than it is wrong and that the only way out of the impasse of what might loosely be called radical politics must entail embracing what the SPGB has been insistently arguing for all these years and decisively rejecting the treadmill of reformism which, in effect, is all that the left has to offer
Good point, but the Trotskyist theory of "transitional" reform demands is worse than the old Social Democratic one as it abandons the "maximum" programme (on Lenin's grounds that workers are incapable of understanding it). So we are just left with a reform programme.
Proper Tidy's justification for this is that socialist consciousness will develop out of the struggle for these reforms. In other words, while these reforms might not to be "stepping stones" to socialism as in the old gradualist Social Democratic conception they are stepping stones to socialist consciousness. But are they? And how?
You could take the view, as Proper Tidy seemed to at one point, that this will happen spontaneously, but this, as has already been pointed out here, would be quite unLeninist. Or you could take the view (Lenin's) that all that is required to overthrow capitalism is for the "working masses" to have a high enough degree of "trade union consciousness" to be led by the vanguard party which knows how to steer them.
All Trotskyist groups take this second position as can be clearly seen by their campaign slogans and election promises: Make the Rich Pay, Jobs for All, Nationalise the Banks, Increase the Minumum wage, Fix Pensions at Average Male Earnings, etc, etc. Socialism doesn't get a look in, is in fact dismissed as utopian.
Workers engaged in struggle against the miseries of capitalism are likelier to become aware of the motives and beneficiaries of capitalism; of their place within the class system; and to gain a greater class consciousness. If this struggle achieves a degree of success, by achieving improvements in their conditions, they are likely to gain heart, and to believe that the abolition of capitalism is possible as well as desirable; indeed, they may become convinced that it is necessary.
Excuse me, but aren't workers engaged in struggle each and every day of their lives in capitalism?
What more struggle is necessary?
[My emphasis].The point is that there is no organic link between transitional demands and the struggle for socialism. Its a myth. There is no substitute for socialist understanding. However, here is where the SPGB approach is not entirely convincing in my view. Can socialist understanding come about through an exclusive focus on propagandism - necessary though this may be? Im not convinced.
I thought you were in the SPGB, Kenny. Am I confusing you with someone else or have you left?
Nothing that Proper Tidy has said on here convinces me otherwise. I really wish that were not the case - a return to reformist activity is tempting for me, and I have no ego vested here. But the truth is, after due consideration of the arguments, I find the SPGB case unanswerable.
Left a long time ago.
Wow, lot has gone on here since the last time I posted. I will read through it all and respond, eventually.
Tom - I would have thought the most striking criticism of the SPGB would be that they're so irrelevant to both the wider movement and the working class, which would strike me as a failing which they should be looking to address. Even if we accept the tenet that they are only there to propagandise, which I still dispute, then they need people to propagandise to, which is difficult when nobody is listening.
I'm also still confused by this stated aim of SPGB that it is not their role to involve themselves in struggle, whilst maintaining that trade unions etc have a place. This seems to contradict itself; what is the point in wearing two different hats, to use a shit turn of phrase. But anyway, I will comment on the rest later.
It is not the SPGB's stated aim to involve itself in the struggle for reforms. It sticks with the main struggle i.e. the struggle for world revolution by the workers and for the workers and without the hinderance of a self imposed vanguard.
Isn't a lot of the SPGB position that we are all one family? Anyway, that was the impression last time I was at Hyde Park.
I would be interested to know the reasons why.
If we're not, genetics is all wrong.
Yes I get that. But this position would only be logical if SPGB stated that the trade union struggle or struggle for improvements was a pointless diversion - as you do for liberation struggles. Yet you don't - you and others have repeatedly stated on here that you support trade union struggle etc, but that you won't organise as SPGB within the TU movement. My question is - why? Why separate it out like that? To what end? Why wear two hats when one will do.
I started to doubt the existence of Capitalism.
For us the danger of such involvement is well recorded in the history of the struggle. Your time and effort is taken up with the day-to-day struggles.
Hi CousinI wasn't suggesting it was, or that we aren't.
But this falls down on the claim made on here that SPGB members do involve themselves in the day to day, just not as an organised SPGB bloc.
So, for the sakes of clarity - does the SPGB encourage you not to involve yourselves (not support from a distance but involve yourselves) in struggle?
And if this isn't the case, what difference does it make, other than symbolic? As you are still taking up your "time and effort", but losing the ability to bring workers into the socialist movement through involvement with your bloc in day to day activities, like the unions.
It either seems academic, or cynical, much like SPGB's position on standing in elections despite an unwillingness to do anything if elected.
In truth, all political decisions taken under capitalism have their root in economics, treasury or finance issues, and are interlinked. More funding for one worthy cause means less funding for another worthy cause.
Is it wise for conscious workers to support reforms?